National identities and nationalism, especially in the European context have aroused lots of current interest among scholars from a wide variety of academic disciplines, and the topic most certainly will continue to attract further attention also in the future. A great number of the studies dealing with national identities have emphasized the long time span and the role of the national intelligentsia in the evolution of a national identity. This study uses another approach by underlining the short time span and a number of practical issues that contributed to the strengthening of the national identity of the Slovaks during the first two years following the independence of Czechoslovakia. Furthermore, the conflicting interests of the states of Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Poland and the ethnic groups in Slovakia at that time have been given special attention. The study also aims to help us understand why it was initially so difficult for the Slovaks to agree with the idea of the one and united Czechoslovak nation.

The historic myths of a people/nation usually play an important role in the creation and consolidation of the basic concepts from which the self-image of that nation derives. These concepts include not only images of the nation itself, but also images of other peoples. Although the construction of ethnic stereotypes during the "long" nineteenth century initially had other functions than simply the homogenization of the particular culture and the exclusion of "others" from the public sphere, the evaluation of peoples according to criteria that included "level of civilization" yielded "rankings" of ethnic groups within the Habsburg Monarchy. That provided the basis for later, more divisive ethnic characterizations of exclusive nationalism, as addressed in this volume that examines the roots and results of ethnic, nationalist, and racial conflict in the region from a variety of historical and theoretical perspectives.

The authors of this research collection are not so much interested in what Europe thinks of itself, but rather what others think of it. They take a number of scenarios from recent history and examine how Europe has appeared to people in other parts of the world: America, China, the Arab world, for example.

During the four decades of the communist regime in Czechoslovakia a vast literature on working-class movements has been produced but it has hardly any value for today’s scholarship. This remarkable study reopens the field. Based on Czech, Slovak, German and other sources, it focuses on the history of the multi-ethnic social democratic labor movement in Slovakia’s capital Bratislava during the period 1867-1921, and on the process of national revolution during the years 1918–19 in particular. The study places the historic change of the former Pressburg into the modern Bratislava in the broader context of the development of multinational pre-1918 Hungary, the evolution of social, ethnic, and political relations in multi-ethnic Pressburg (a ‘tri-national’ city of Germans, Magyars, and Slovaks), and the development of the multinational labor movement in Hungary and the Habsburg Empire as a whole.

Pub_AbstractText: This thesis proposes an alternative governance structure for east central Europe - the Intermarium. The Intermarium is based on the development of a supplementary federal structure capable of controlling factionalism and nationalism utilizing concepts from James Madison's Tenth Federalist. In particular, James Madison's approach to mitigating and preventing the formation of dangerous factions is found to be compatible with preexisting notions of federalism in east central Europe and offers a potential regional political solution that merits further study. In reaching the above proposal, the concepts of Wilsonian national self -determination, Pan European federalism, functionalism and historical east central European variants of federalism are explored along with their leading personalities. At the author's request over 100 previously unknown documents were declassified by a variety of intelligence agencies including the CIA, Army Counterintelligence, and FBI. In addition, three lengthy interviews were conducted with former American intelligence agent, William Gowen, who in 1947 and 1948 investigated and worked with several of the organizations and individuals profiled. The tragic history of east central Europe in the 20th Century consisted of bloody ethnic conflict, foreign invasion, and occupation with the lingering effects still evident today. While there is persuasive authority to suggest that the future for east central Europe is one of harmonious relations, liberal democracy and economic prosperity other forecasts predict decades yet of bloody conflict as the Russian Federation and its borderlands resolve rivalries fueled by national self-determination and irredentism. By developing a federal alternative to the European Union to be know popularly as the Intermarium, east central Europe might effectively pool its resources and meet the foreign relations and security challenges unique to the region rather than relying upon far away Brussels in the event of a crisis. Regional federation as exemplified by east central Europe's unique heritage may prove to be just the bridging mechanism needed to accelerate the goal of Pan Europe or provide a safe harbor from conflict in the event of the EU's inability to address future crises.

This title was first published in 2002: The year 1989 marks a turning point in world history. The rigid division of Europe into East and West and the bipolarity of the Cold War system disintegrated, with communism as a political system dismantled by 1991. In the wake of the communist multinational federations came successor states, with each accompanied by many ethnic and national conflicts. This book is concerned with the relationship between nationalism and democracy in a particular setting - the larger framework is postcommunist Eastern and Central Europe, the focus is on newly dependent democracies, explored through the case studies of Slovakia and Slovenia. The purpose is to seek an answer to two related questions: what is the role of nationalism in the democratic process?; and under what conditions is nationalism less or more compatible with the democratisation process?

The first English-language monograph on the Slovak-Polish border in 1918-47 explores the interplay of politics, diplomacy, moral principles and self-determination. This book argues that the failure to reconcile strategic objectives with territorial claims could cost a higher price than the geographical size of the disputed region would indicate.