Volumes V, VI and VII complete the series of selections from the Smuts Papers. They cover the period from August 1919, when Smuts succeeded Botha as prime minister of the Union of South Africa, until his death in September 1950. The selection is divided into six parts, each with a short introduction. All the documents are annotated and those in Dutch or Afrikaans are provided with translations. There are over six hundred biographical notes. Smuts's stature as a world statesman, his intimate concern with the problems of European and Commonwealth politics and his central position in South African affairs place his private papers among the most important collections of their kind. Volume V covers the period from 1919 to 1934 - years of crisis for Smut's 'own child', the League of Nations and, in South Africa, a time which saw confrontations on colour questions and adjustments that led to party fusion.

Volumes V, VI and VII complete the series of selections from the Smuts Papers. They cover the period from August 1919, when Smuts succeeded Botha as prime minister of the Union of South Africa, until his death in September 1950. The selection is divided into six parts, each with a short introduction. All the documents are annotated and those in Dutch or Afrikaans are provided with translations. There are over six hundred biographical notes. Smuts's stature as a world statesman, his intimate concern with the problems of European and Commonwealth politics and his central position in South African affairs place his private papers among the most important collections of their kind. Volume V covers the period from 1919 to 1934 - years of crisis for Smut's 'own child', the League of Nations and, in South Africa, a time which saw confrontations on colour questions and adjustments that led to party fusion.

In this book, the authors cover both familiar and unfamiliar themes. One of the principal themes running throughout the book addresses head-on the deficiency in the literature highlighted by Saul Dubow, namely, the question of racism and Smuts’s reluctance to implement ‘native’ policies that may have averted future problems, rather than postpone them. We see throughout, a gap between the rhetoric and policy, and between policy and practice in its implementation. Amongst the familiar themes that are reappraised, are Smuts’s successes and failures in policies and leadership, domestically and internationally. ‘This wide-ranging volume re-evaluates myriad aspects of Smuts’ life, philosophy, political career and legacy. An important and timely book exploring one of South Africa’s most consequential and controversial leaders.’ Luc-Andre Brunet – Contemporary International History, The Open University. The book is a great contribution to South African cultural and social history. With the military element covered in other publications, the editors and authors have focussed on the less well-trodden aspects of Smuts’s history including but not limited to discussions on the atomic bomb, counter-revolution, film, early cabinets, racialism, trusteeship, ‘greatness’, political philosophy, racial segregation, and myth-making. The editors have skilfully continued the longer political discussion, reflecting on the myth and legacy of a prominent South African - Smuts. Antonio Garcia, Stellenbosch University, coauthor of Botha, Smuts and the First World War, co-founder Underground Strategy.

The history of the war from the past one hundred years is a history of bombing “Tripoli, 1 November 1911: I decided that today I would try to drop bombs from the aeroplane … if I succeed I shall be happy to have been the first.” —Italian Lieutenant Giulio Gavotti At its inception, aerial bombardment was a weapon of empire deployed to subdue colonial populations. Soon, during the Second World War, civilians in Europe and Japan came into the bomber’s crosshairs, and ever since non-combatant targets have been at the heart of military strategy. It was a seismic shift in the relations of power: as the state justified the mass murder of civilians, individual combatants, flying high above their victims, were distanced from the act of killing as never before. The ascendance of drones as an instrument of military power is the latest stage in this cruel evolution, which has led to a perpetual low-intensity war on the global scene. As the technology enabling it spreads through the world, the borders of the conflict will grow in proportion. In this short and fascinating history of aerial warfare, Thomas Hippler brings together all the major themes of the past century: nationalism, democracy, totalitarianism, colonialism, globalization, the welfare state and its decline, and the rise of neoliberalism. Air power is the defining characteristic of modern warfare; as Hippler demonstrates, it is also ingrained in the nature of modern politics.

This is a book about Irish nationalism and how Irish nationalists developed their own conception of the Irish race. Bruce Nelson begins with an exploration of the discourse of race--from the nineteenth--century belief that "race is everything" to the more recent argument that there are no races. He focuses on how English observers constructed the "native" and Catholic Irish as uncivilized and savage, and on the racialization of the Irish in the nineteenth century, especially in Britain and the United States, where Irish immigrants were often portrayed in terms that had been applied mainly to enslaved Africans and their descendants. Most of the book focuses on how the Irish created their own identity--in the context of slavery and abolition, empire, and revolution. Since the Irish were a dispersed people, this process unfolded not only in Ireland, but in the United States, Britain, Australia, South Africa, and other countries. Many nationalists were determined to repudiate anything that could interfere with the goal of building a united movement aimed at achieving full independence for Ireland. But others, including men and women who are at the heart of this study, believed that the Irish struggle must create a more inclusive sense of Irish nationhood and stand for freedom everywhere. Nelson pays close attention to this argument within Irish nationalism, and to the ways it resonated with nationalists worldwide, from India to the Caribbean.