"Drawing on historical evidence and the Islamic instructions, Sectarianism in Islam: Power, Tribalism and Commercial Interests provides readers with the knowledge needed to recognize that sectarianism is and has long been an effective instrument for manipulation, endorsed and utilized by powerful players. The book is a careful reflection on and exploration of a subject that has fundamentally changed the course of action for various political and ambitious actors. The book challenges readers to place events in their historical and social contexts, without ignoring the existing political maneuvers. Furthermore, it underscores the power of the mind in the rise of Islamic civilization. The author provides powerful arguments essential for understanding the interplay of various actors who have exploited sectarianism to enhance their positions and achieve their goals. Several evolutionary stages of sectarianism are identified. Though tribal conflicts took place before the inception of Islam, after the rise of Islam rivals projected themselves as religiously motivated. In recent years, two powerful players have espoused contradictory allegiances, which have further divided the Muslim world. The book, in fact, shows that the past and the present are alive and that they profoundly shape the memories of various communities today, and possibly for many decades to come. Sectarianism in Islam: Power, Tribalism and Commercial Interests challenges you to let go of common myths, assumptions and uninformed beliefs that have been treated as given facts. The book addresses certain difficulties and setbacks that are pressing social and political actors to shoulder their responsibilities in the face of misconstruction and destructive strategies that have led to tragic events. Indeed, the book is not only a relevant work of scholarship, but it is also a practical call to enhance civility in conduct and circumvent pointless conflicts"--

Gabriel Warburg contends that efforts in Sudan to enforce an Islamic state and an Islamic constitution on a multi-religious and multi-ethnic society have led to prolonged civil war, endless military coups, and political, social, and economic bankruptcy. He analyzes the history of Sudan's Islamic politics to illuminate current conflicts in the region. The revolt in 1881 was led by a Mahdi who came to renew and purify Islam. It was in effect an uprising against a corrupt Islamic regime, the largely alien Turco-Egyptian ruling elite. The Mahdiyya was therefore an anti-colonial movement, seeking to liberate Sudan from alien rule and to unify the Muslim Umma, and it later evolved into the first expression of Sudanese nationalism and statehood. Post-independence Islamic radicalism, in turn, can be viewed against the background of the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium (1899-1956). It also thrived as a result of the resurgence of Islam since the mid-1960s, when Nasserism and other popular ideologies were swept aside. Finally, Sudan has emerged as the center of militancy in Sunni Islam since June 1989, when a group of radical Islamic officers, under the guidance of Dr. Hassan al-Turabi and the NIF, assumed power.

The ensuing clash--between Islamism and Nationalism, Shi'a and Sunni, and other factions within these communities--

Surveys the landscape of modern sectarianism within Islam in North Africa and the Middle East.

This book asks readers to re-examine their view of the Islamic world and the development of sectarianism in the Middle East by shining a light on the complexity and diversity of early Islamic society. The focus here is on the tenth century, a period in Middle Eastern history that has often been referred to as the "Shiʿi Century," when two Shiʿi dynasties rose to power: the Fatimids of North Africa and the Buyids of Iraq and Iran. Historians often call the period after the Shiʿi Century the "Sunni Revival" because that was when Sunni control was restored, but these terms present a misleading image of a unified medieval Islam that was predominately Sunni. While Sunni Islam eventually became politically and numerically dominant, Sunni and Shiʿi identities took centuries to develop as independent communities. When modern discussions of sectarianism in the Middle East reduce these identities to a 1400-year war between Sunnis and Shiʿis, we create a false narrative.

This book analyses the growth of sectarian-based terrorist violence in Pakistan, one of the Muslim majority states most affected by sectarian violence, ever since it was established in 1947. Sectarian violence among Muslims has emerged as a major global security problem in recent years. The author argues that the upsurge in sectarian violence in Pakistan, particularly since the late 1970s, has had less to do with theological differences between the various sects of Islam, but is a consequence of the specific political, social, economic, demographic and cultural changes that have taken place in Pakistan since it was established as an independent state. A major theme of the book is the increasing violence, extent and expressions of sectarian conflict which have emerged as new forms of sectarian terrorism. The volume provides an in-depth empirical case study which addresses some major theoretical questions raised by Critical Terrorism Studies researchers in respect of the links between religion and sectarian terrorism in Pakistan and more widely. This book will be of much interest to students of critical terrorism studies, Asian politics and history, religious studies and International Relations in general.

Why does religion sometimes increase support for democracy and sometimes do just the opposite? In Faith in Numbers, political scientist Michael Hoffman presents a theory of religion, group interest, and democracy. Focusing on communal religion, he demonstrates that the effect of communal prayer on support for democracy depends on the interests of the religious group in question. For members of groups who would benefit from democracy, communal prayer increases support for democratic institutions; for citizens whose groups would lose privileges in the event of democratic reforms, the opposite effect is present. Using a variety of data sources, Hoffman illustrates these claims in multiple contexts. He places particular emphasis on his study of Lebanon and Iraq, two countries in which sectarian divisions have played a major role in political development, by utilizing both existing and original surveys. By examining religious and political preferences among both Muslims and non-Muslims in several religiously diverse settings, Faith in Numbers shows that theological explanations of religion and democracy are inadequate. Rather, it demonstrates that religious identities and sectarian interests play a major part in determining regime preferences and illustrates how Islam in particular can be mobilized for both pro- and anti-democratic purposes. It finds that Muslim religious practice is not necessarily anti-democratic; in fact, in a number of settings, practicing Muslims are considerably more supportive of democracy than their secular counterparts. Theological differences alone do not determine whether members of religious groups tend to support or oppose democracy; rather, their participation in communal worship motivates them to view democracy through a sectarian lens.