Secessionist (also called, nationalist, or pro-independence) political parties exist in many countries in the developed world; they raise—and then spend—a lot of money, win votes in elections, and their elected officials serve in seats in local, regional, and national parliaments. Yet, despite all of this effort, there has not been a successful case of secession since 1921 when the Irish Free State effectively seceded from the United Kingdom (UK). Perhaps the biggest issue is that these secessionist political parties have rarely been popular enough to form a government even amongst their core ethnic group. This is further compounded by the fact that secessionist parties have historically been unable to win support from immigrants or people outside their core ethnic and/or linguistic group. Given this context, four central questions are posed in this study including: whether—and also why—any of the secessionist parties have transitioned from ethnic-based to civic-based policy platforms? Why have these secessionist parties not yet achieved independence? And, what role does the European Union (EU) play in facilitating or deterring secession in independence-seeking regions within member states? This study examines three different cases—Flanders in Belgium, Scotland in the UK, and Catalonia in Spain—to investigate how secessionist political parties are approaching the issue of independence. All of the cases are different with respect to history, governmental structure, and economic situation. Yet all of the cases are similar in some ways—they are close to the same size (in terms of population), operate within mature democratic political systems, have distinct secessionist political parties, and all reside within member states of the EU. Categorically, in all cases, there are also shared influences of the ability of the region to secede: institutions, interests, and ideas.

This volume deals with current secessionist movements in states that are or were members of the European Union (EU). It compares the cases of Scotland, Catalonia, and Flanders, which are anchored in three different political systems. However, all three sub-state regions analysed are or were part of the EU multi-level system, and as such, they are subject to the influence of Europeanization. Their secession efforts are influenced by the European framework – including their own EU membership after a possible secession. The three regions, therefore, have different motivations and probabilities for actual secessions. All case studies in this volume are introduced and outlined with theoretical chapters and examined using consistent guiding questions to ensure comparability between the three cases. The analyses are framed by chapters describing other examples of secession processes past and present, and by texts that ask whether federalism or other solutions (so-called 'third ways') could offer a path beyond secession.

The first book to jointly analyse withdrawal of a member state from the EU (i.e. Brexit) and territorial secession.

Secession is a live issue in today's Western Europe. In the last decade, we have witnessed the consolidation of pro-independence movements in Scotland and Catalonia and in the near future, we might see their re-emergence or the rise of other pro-secession movements in other European regions. The response of the EU institutions to secession within EU Member States may well be based mainly on political considerations. However, since the EU is a community based on the rule of law, it has also to justify its position with normative arguments of principle. Secession and European Union Law provides such normative support, drawing on a pluralist reading of the relation between EU law and national law, to support the conclusion that EU law should respect domestic constitutional orders. This book studies secession within EU Member States through legal methodology: the theoretical-doctrinal analysis of concepts and institutions, considering the evolving reality and case law. The legal approach has three dimensions, given the three different legal orders that interact at the EU level: international law, EU law and national constitutional law. Based on Article 4 (2) TEU, the central claim of this book is that the EU duty to respect national identity and fundamental constitutional structures generate obligations to respect Member States' constitutional orders, provided that the values enshrined in the Article are not violated by the Member State affected. Topical and original, Secession and European Union Law reviews and rethinks key features of the EU and the EU legal order.

This book examines secessionism, separatism, and calls for independence in the European Union in recent history and within an economic context. It contributes to the deeper understanding of factors influencing the individual decision-making processes around secession, using economic analysis to answer a set of simple questions about who the secessionists are, what they really want, what their incentives are, and why it is easier to declare their secessionist tendencies than to vote for secession. This a highly topical theme, given the secessionist referenda in Catalonia, Scotland, Ukraine, Kosovo, and the United Kingdom, and this book offers a unique contribution to the debate. It is based on an exclusive survey carried out among members of the pro-independence parties and movements across 17 European countries and 56 European regions. It uses the instruments of the Political Economy of Conflict to reveal the importance of romantic and economic factors influencing the drive towards secession. Secessions have been regarded as a purely romantic phenomenon that cannot be rationalised, whereas this book connects the sensibility of romantic factors such as language, religion or ethnicity with the sense of economic factors through its rational, economic approach. Furthermore, it applies the standard methodology of microeconomic analysis to discover the impact of individual pro-secessionist factors. An integral part of the text presents a brief historic overview, uncovering the lesser-known path dependency. The book will find an audience among researchers, scholars, and students of economics and political science, as well as policy-makers and professionals engaged with a secessionist agenda.

An increasing number of European countries are being faced with demands for greater autonomy or independence from regional groups. The legitimacy of nation states in Europe is thus being called into question not only by the forces of globalization and Europeanization from above, but also by growing pressure to recognize the autonomous or independent status of regional groups from below. From Scotland to Catalonia, from Flanders to South Tyrol, the movements vary in their intensity and demands, yet also have many commonalities. This book constitutes a compilation of papers presented at the international Conference "States Falling Apart? Secessionist and Autonomy Movements in Europe" at the University of Fribourg in 2013 and is a timely addition to the literature on secession, autonomy and federalism. With theoretical contributions and case studies, it presents a wide range of opinions and facts on these issues.

The boundaries between secessionism and separatism are often blurred, and in many cases study of secessionism encompasses that of separatism and vice versa. Recognising this inherent relationship, this book provides a comparative survey of recent attempts at secession and separatist movements from across Europe and Asia, and assesses the responses of the respective host governments. The essays address two main questions which arise from the relationship between state governments and secessionist movements: first, how secessionist or separatist movements gather support and mobilize their target populations and second, how central political authorities respond to the challenges that secessionist or separatist movements pose to their capacity to control the country. With political analysis of recent cases ranging from the Balkans, the USSR, the UK and the Basque Country, to Sri Lanka, Burma, China, Tibet and Taiwan, the authors identify both similarities and differences in the processes and outcomes of secessionist and separatist movements across the two distinct regions. This volume will be an invaluable resource for those who wish to understand the dynamics of secessionist movements and as such will appeal to students and scholars of Asian and European politics, comparative politics, international relations and conflict studies. It will also be helpful to practitioners and policy-makers who wish to understand and contribute to the resolution of such conflicts.