In 2016, the voters of the United Kingdom decided to leave the European Union. The majority for 'Leave' was small. Yet, in more than 40 years of EU membership, the British had never been wholeheartedly content. In the 1950s, governments preferred the Commonwealth to the Common Market. In the 1960s, successive Conservative and Labour administrations applied to join the European Community because it was a surprising success, whilst the UK's post-war policies had failed. But the British were turned down by the French. When the UK did join, more than 10 years after first asking, it joined a club whose rules had been made by others and which it did not much like. At one time or another, Labour and Conservative were at war with each other and internally. In 1975, the Labour government held a referendum on whether the UK should stay in. Two thirds of voters decided to do so. But the wounds did not heal. Europe remained 'them', 'not 'us'. The UK was on the front foot in proposing reform and modernisation and on the back foot as other EU members wanted to advance to 'ever closer union'. As a British diplomat from 1968, Stephen Wall observed and participated in these unfolding events and negotiations. He worked for many of the British politicians who wrestled to reconcile the UK's national interest in making a success of our membership with the sceptical, even hostile, strands of opinion in parliament, the press and public opinion. This book tells the story of a relationship rooted in a thousand years of British history, and of our sense of national identity in conflict with our political and economic need for partnership with continental Europe.

To avoid a repeat of those nationalist nightmares, a common European Dream emerged after WWII, which has since developed into some essential doctrines of European integration. This dream-inspired institutionalist context has framed intergovernmental bargaining, sectoral spillovers and transnational cooperation in European integration. The powerful European Dream has even encouraged Europeans toward closer integration, though they were, quite often, very reluctant to go further. This dream-driven approach and reluctant runner’s model have highlighted some fundamental realities of European integration, extremely inspiring for the future of the EU and the ongoing Asian regionalism. This book consists of three parts and thirteen chapters. It aims to explain European integration, the EU’s role in global governance and the EU’s impact upon Asian regionalism with the help of the European Dream approach and reluctant runners’ model. Trump’s unilateralism, the rising tensions between the US and PRC and the COVID-19 pandemic may be a turning point for world politics. Both globalization and global governance have consequently slowed down, giving place to regionalism and inter-regionalism. This book hopes to contribute to the rising debate over European integration, Asian regionalism and EU-Asian inter-regionalism.