This is Ronald Stone’s fifth book on his mentor and friend Reinhold Niebuhr. For the first time he analyzes all of Niebuhr’s writings on race to correct the academic work of critics of Niebuhr who have ignored Niebuhr’s creation of institutions fighting white supremacy in the South and who commented on Niebuhr while not reading his complete works. It also publishes the text of his work as chairman of the mayor’s committee on race in the strife-torn Detroit of 1926. Stone argues that Niebuhr’s work in total provides a complex theory for white and Black leaders to overcome white supremacy. Niebuhr combines idealism and realism in the bulk of his work, which is summarized in the two words of his well-known social theory: Christian Realism. Both words need to be recognized to understand the depth of Niebuhr’s synthesis. As early as 1932, Niebuhr recognized the need for minorities to use economic power and Gandhian nonviolent strategies to overcome color or caste discrimination. As late as the year of his death in 1971 he recommended to the Bicentennial Commission, as one of three national priorities, the overcoming of the racial discrimination that threatened American democracy. Racism as sin is central to his theology, and the breaking of white supremacy is essential to his hundreds of essays and editorials against racial discrimination and to democratic theory. As editor of Social Action in 1968 Stone published “The Fate of the Negro in a Self-Righteous Nation,” widely regarded as Niebuhr’s best essay on the subject and marking Niebuhr’s late analysis and his development between the two commission reports of 1926 and 1968. Another relatively unknown source of Niebuhr on racism is the seminar he taught from 1966 to 1968. It is reconstructed by Stone from the class notes of the seminar in which he served as class assistant. To complete the circle, James Cone asked Stone to lecture in his seminar the last three years he offered the seminar on Reinhold Niebuhr.

This is Ronald Stone’s fifth book on his mentor and friend Reinhold Niebuhr. For the first time he analyzes all of Niebuhr’s writings on race to correct the academic work of critics of Niebuhr who have ignored Niebuhr’s creation of institutions fighting white supremacy in the South and who commented on Niebuhr while not reading his complete works. It also publishes the text of his work as chairman of the mayor’s committee on race in the strife-torn Detroit of 1926. Stone argues that Niebuhr’s work in total provides a complex theory for white and Black leaders to overcome white supremacy. Niebuhr combines idealism and realism in the bulk of his work, which is summarized in the two words of his well-known social theory: Christian Realism. Both words need to be recognized to understand the depth of Niebuhr’s synthesis. As early as 1932, Niebuhr recognized the need for minorities to use economic power and Gandhian nonviolent strategies to overcome color or caste discrimination. As late as the year of his death in 1971 he recommended to the Bicentennial Commission, as one of three national priorities, the overcoming of the racial discrimination that threatened American democracy. Racism as sin is central to his theology, and the breaking of white supremacy is essential to his hundreds of essays and editorials against racial discrimination and to democratic theory. As editor of Social Action in 1968 Stone published “The Fate of the Negro in a Self-Righteous Nation,” widely regarded as Niebuhr’s best essay on the subject and marking Niebuhr’s late analysis and his development between the two commission reports of 1926 and 1968. Another relatively unknown source of Niebuhr on racism is the seminar he taught from 1966 to 1968. It is reconstructed by Stone from the class notes of the seminar in which he served as class assistant. To complete the circle, James Cone asked Stone to lecture in his seminar the last three years he offered the seminar on Reinhold Niebuhr.

This open access book helps readers combine history, politics, and ethics to address the most pressing problem facing the world today: environmental survival. In A Climate of Justice, Marvin Brown connects the environmental crisis to basic questions of economic, social, and racial justice. Brown shows how our current social climate maintains systemic injustices, and he uncovers resources for change through a civic ethics of repair and reciprocity. A must-read for researchers and educators in the area of environmental ethics and those teaching courses in the fields of public policy and environmental sustainability. With the support of more than 30 libraries, the LYRASIS United Nations Sustainable Development Goals Fund has enabled this publication related to SDG13 (Climate Action) to be available fully open access.

A landmark in the conversation about race and religion in America. "They put him to death by hanging him on a tree." Acts 10:39 The cross and the lynching tree are the two most emotionally charged symbols in the history of the African American community. In this powerful new work, theologian James H. Cone explores these symbols and their interconnection in the history and souls of black folk. Both the cross and the lynching tree represent the worst in human beings and at the same time a thirst for life that refuses to let the worst determine our final meaning. While the lynching tree symbolized white power and "black death," the cross symbolizes divine power and "black life" God overcoming the power of sin and death. For African Americans, the image of Jesus, hung on a tree to die, powerfully grounded their faith that God was with them, even in the suffering of the lynching era. In a work that spans social history, theology, and cultural studies, Cone explores the message of the spirituals and the power of the blues; the passion and of Emmet Till and the engaged vision of Martin Luther King, Jr.; he invokes the spirits of Billie Holliday and Langston Hughes, Fannie Lou Hamer and Ida B. Well, and the witness of black artists, writers, preachers, and fighters for justice. And he remembers the victims, especially the 5,000 who perished during the lynching period. Through their witness he contemplates the greatest challenge of any Christian theology to explain how life can be made meaningful in the face of death and injustice.

A definitive collection of writings by the theologian and public intellectual who was the conscience of the American Century “One of my favorite philosophers,” remarked Barack Obama about the theologian Reinhold Niebuhr (1892–1971) in 2007. President Obama is but one of the many American political leaders—including Jimmy Carter and Martin Luther King Jr.—to be influenced by Niebuhr’s writings. Throughout the Depression, World War II, and the Cold War, Niebuhr was one of the most prominent public voices of his time, probing with singular style the question of how to act morally in a fallen world. This Library of America volume, prepared by Niebuhr’s daughter, is a collection of four indispensable books—Leaves from the Notebook of a Tamed Cynic (1929), Moral Man and Immoral Society (1932), The Children of Light and the Children of Darkness (1944), and The Irony of American History (1952)—and other essays, sermons, and lectures. Notable entries include Niebuhr's world-famous Serenity Prayer, plus his writings on Prohibition, the Allied bombing of Germany, apartheid in South Africa, and the Vietnam War—many of which are collected here for the first time. LIBRARY OF AMERICA is an independent nonprofit cultural organization founded in 1979 to preserve our nation’s literary heritage by publishing, and keeping permanently in print, America’s best and most significant writing. The Library of America series includes more than 300 volumes to date, authoritative editions that average 1,000 pages in length, feature cloth covers, sewn bindings, and ribbon markers, and are printed on premium acid-free paper that will last for centuries.

Barack Obama has called him “one of my favorite philosophers.” John McCain wrote that he is “a paragon of clarity about the costs of a good war.” Andrew Sullivan has said, “We need Niebuhr now more than ever.” For a theologian who died in 1971, Reinhold Niebuhr is maintaining a remarkably high profile in the twenty-first century. In Why Niebuhr Now? acclaimed historian John Patrick Diggins tackles the complicated question of why, at a time of great uncertainty about America’s proper role in the world, leading politicians and thinkers are turning to Niebuhr for answers. Diggins begins by clearly and carefully working through Niebuhr’s theology, which focuses less on God’s presence than his absence—and the ways that absence abets the all-too-human sin of pride. He then shows how that theology informed Niebuhr’s worldview, leading him to be at the same time a strong opponent of fascism and communism and a leading advocate for humility and caution in foreign policy. Turning to the present, Diggins highlights what he argues is a misuse of Niebuhr’s legacy on both the right and the left: while neoconservatives distort Niebuhr’s arguments to support their call for an endless war on terror in the name of stopping evil, many liberal interventionists conveniently ignore Niebuhr’s fundamental doubts about power. Ultimately, Niebuhr’s greatest lesson is that, while it is our duty to struggle for good, we must at the same time be wary of hubris, remembering the limits of our understanding. The final work from a distinguished writer who spent his entire career reflecting on America’s history and promise, Why Niebuhr Now? is a compact and perceptive book that will be the starting point for all future discussions of Niebuhr.

Historian Kleinman juxtaposes the intellectual and professional lives of two the key figures in US history after World War II to explore a fatal division in American liberal thinking about domestic politics and international relations during and after the war. Wallace, who started in agriculture and served as vice president, did not rule out a cooperative relationship with the Soviet Union; Niebuhr, an internationally respected protestant theologian and political commentator, categorically rejected dealing with any communists at home or abroad. He argues that Wallace's defeat in the 1942 campaign for president perpetuated the climate of fear that only melted during the Vietnam War. Annotation copyrighted by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR