Dans Réflexions Stratégiques sur Haïti: Sauvons un Patrimoine Universel en Péril, Luc Rémy offre une remarquable lecture haïtiano-centriste de la Politique Internationale. Il la construit autour de trois points clé : 1. le cadeau de la Révolution haïtienne d’une espèce humaine nouvelle à l’Histoire universelle; 2. l’éternel contentieux occidentalo-haïtien et le péril sur la Nation; 3. la prise en charge indispensable. Le premier point présente le prototype de l’homme nouveau ; il est anti-esclavage, anti-colonie, anti-métropole, anti-impérialiste, antiracisme, antiségrégationniste, etc. Par cette création humaniste suprême, Haïti s’est érigée en Patrimoine universel. Ce beau et sublime péché contre le standard international de l’époque a généré et entretient encore le contentieux : dans la conscience, l’inconscient et l’imaginaire collectifs des pouvoirs d’État de l’Occident, Haïti est un ennemi barbare et inconciliable. Servi par nos alliances internationales patricides, le triomphe du modèle diplomatique jeffersonien et talleyrandien, d’essence raciste et revancharde -aux dépens de l’adamien-, le veut ainsi. Haïti est donc un obstacle permanent à la conscience et buts traditionnels récurrents de l’ordre international hégémonique. Il faut toujours la “tenir en laisse” et la réduire à sa plus simple expression (serait-ce jusqu’à la solution f ?). Embargo, tutelle et occupation continus par des forces étrangères, élimination des Haïtiens, spoliation et sabotage du patrimoine national, tout concourt au retour à la barbarie (l’esclavage) par l’exploitation de notre sol et de nos massives mines ... Le péril n’est pas seulement contre Haïti! La construction d’un leadership national capable et humaniste s’impose.

Many countries around the world are engaged in decentralization processes, and most African countries face serious problems with forest governance, from benefits sharing to illegality and sustainable forest management. This book summarizes experiences to date on the extent and nature of decentralization and its outcomes - most of which suggest an underperformance of governance reforms - and explores the viability of different governance instruments in the context of weak governance and expanding commercial pressures over forests. Findings are grouped into two thematic areas: decentralization, livelihoods and sustainable forest management; and international trade, finance and forest sector governance reforms. The authors examine diverse forces shaping the forest sector, including the theory and practice of decentralization, usurpation of authority, corruption and illegality, inequitable patterns of benefits capture and expansion of international trade in timber and carbon credits, and discuss related outcomes on livelihoods, forest condition and equity. The book builds on earlier volumes exploring different dimensions of decentralization and perspectives from other world regions, and distills dimensions of forest governance that are both unique to Africa and representative of broader global patterns. The authors ground their analysis in relevant theory while drawing out implications of their findings for policy and practice.

Beginning with a brief consideration of the colonial period, this book discusses the part played by ideas of race and colour in Haiti since 1804, and their relationship to national independence. The basic thesis is that, while race has been a factor uniting Haitians in a determination to maintain their independence, colour prejudice has led to divisions and has been among the most important causes of the erosion of independence. This third edition of a work which has become a classic in the field, has a substantial new Preface dealing with the post-Duvalier years up to the return of President Aristide in 1994. It concludes with a comprehensive and critical bibliography of works published since the first edition appeared in 1979.

Dangerous Neighbors shows how the Haitian Revolution permeated early American print culture and had a profound impact on the young nation's domestic politics. Focusing on Philadelphia as both a representative and an influential vantage point, it follows contemporary American reactions to the events through which the French colony of Saint Domingue was destroyed and the independent nation of Haiti emerged. Philadelphians made sense of the news from Saint Domingue with local and national political developments in mind and with the French Revolution and British abolition debates ringing in their ears. In witnessing a French colony experience a revolution of African slaves, they made the colony serve as powerful and persuasive evidence in domestic discussions over the meaning of citizenship, equality of rights, and the fate of slavery. Through extensive use of manuscript sources, newspapers, and printed literature, Dun uncovers the wide range of opinion and debate about events in Saint Domingue in the early republic. By focusing on both the meanings Americans gave to those events and the uses they put them to, he reveals a fluid understanding of the American Revolution and the polity it had produced, one in which various groups were making sense of their new nation in relation to both its own past and a revolution unfolding before them. Zeroing in on Philadelphia—a revolutionary center and an enclave of antislavery activity—Dun collapses the supposed geographic and political boundaries that separated the American republic from the West Indies and Europe.

Racism and imperialism are the twin forces that propelled the course of the United States in the world in the early twentieth century and in turn affected the way that diplomatic history and international relations were taught and understood in the American academy. Evolutionary theory, social Darwinism, and racial anthropology had been dominant doctrines in international relations from its beginnings; racist attitudes informed research priorities and were embedded in newly formed professional organizations. In White World Order, Black Power Politics, Robert Vitalis recovers the arguments, texts, and institution building of an extraordinary group of professors at Howard University, including Alain Locke, Ralph Bunche, Rayford Logan, Eric Williams, and Merze Tate, who was the first black female professor of political science in the country.Within the rigidly segregated profession, the "Howard School of International Relations" represented the most important center of opposition to racism and the focal point for theorizing feasible alternatives to dependency and domination for Africans and African Americans through the early 1960s. Vitalis pairs the contributions of white and black scholars to reconstitute forgotten historical dialogues and show the critical role played by race in the formation of international relations.