Organization of the book The book has been organized into five chapters excluding these introductory sections. One important fact to mention here is that this book is a compilation of a series of microethnographic studies about adult learning and social change in Liberia. The idea of change through open systems of thought and democratic discourse runs through the book as an organizing theme. Chapter one maintains that through critical consciousness and dialectical thought processes as posited in the field of developmental psychology, human beings can become motivated and empowered, thereby enhancing a profound process of structural and institutional change. Thus, what weaves the different sections of this chapter together into a coherent whole is the suggestion that the main challenge of post-war development in Liberia is to modify the influence of existing historical and contemporary institutions by building upon and refining those aspects that appeal to our rational instincts and sense of modernity, such as the need to change and improve the way we interpret the meaning of our experiences, so that we may become co-creators of our historical destiny. Chapter two builds on the first chapter in very significant ways, including how the breakdown of reasoned discourse, due to selfishness can lead to innumerable consequences for human social systems and civilizations. This chapter is primarily an imaginary dialogue about the relationship between our various definitions of self and the emergence of tragedy in Liberian society. I attempted here to gauge the social anthropological question as to how best to maintain or restore a stable balance between the imperatives of selfhood and the ethics of collective social action. A major hypothesis emanating from this heuristic approach is that the Hobbesian dilemma posed by random disorder arising from the urge to self-preservation can be somewhat restrained by balancing communal interest with individual autonomy, within the context of a deliberative democracy. The dialogue in the chapter primarily reflects a variety of sources and methods across the social science disciplines. It is further viewed as an exercise in learning and criticism as David Bohm and Hans-Georg Gadamar would understand these terms (see chapter three). The dialogue also resembles a Socratic type dialogue in which the reasoning process that leads to the elimination of contradictions in thought is more important than the mere presentation of facts. The aim of this chapter, as with other chapters in this book, is to highlight the importance and means of facilitating personal and social transformation in a postconflict situation in Liberia. In the context of adult participants in learning and civil society, this transformation can come about by facilitating movements toward more developmentally advanced meaning schemes and perspectives (Mezirow, 1995). Chapter three is about the constitution of legitimate governance arrangements that embrace participatory models of development. One of the central theses of the chapter is that the process of change in Liberia should be undergirded by rationally based institutional rules and norms. This process of building legitimacy requires meaning construction within the framework of agreed upon procedures and modes of justifications to arrive at tentative best judgments and paradigms. Through this process of democratic discourse, we can internalize processes of legitimacy, change, and constitutional self-governance. Like chapter four, the chapter concludes that democratic elections in Liberia are only but the beginnings of a process of structural and institutional transf

In the aftermath of explosive civil wars in Africa during the 1990s and 2000s, the establishment of multi-party elections has often been heralded by the West as signaling the culmination of the conflict and the beginning of a period of democratic rule. However, the outcomes of these elections are very rarely uniform, with just as many countries returning to conflict as not. Here, David Harris uses the examples of Sierra Leone and Liberia to examine the nexus of international and domestic politics in these post-conflict elections. In doing so, he comes to the conclusion that it is political, rather than legal, solutions that are more likely to enhance any positive political change that has emerged from the violence. This book is thus of significance to Western and African policy makers, and also to students and scholars who wish to engage with the critical issues of conflict resolution and reconciliation both in Sierra Leone and Liberia in particular and in the wider region in general.

" Elections have been used as a mechanism to institutionalize a new political order following internal conflict in Cambodia, El Salvador, Angola, Mozambique, Bosnia, and now Liberia. This book analyzes the Liberian transition and the July 1997 elections in order to better understand the relationship between war termination and transitions to democracy and the role post-conflict elections play in promoting both of these goals. The Liberian elections represented the final stage of a seven-year, West African-led peace process. An overwhelming majority voted for former factional leader Charles Taylor in the belief that if Taylor did not win, war would erupt again. The Liberian transition demonstrates that post-conflict elections may play an important role in a process of war termination. In many cases, it may be necessary to move forward with war termination and ""imperfect"" elections in the short run and pursue goals relating to democratization after the new government has been put in place. This study uses a detailed examination of the difficult Liberian case to highlight the more general challenges of helping countries make the transition from civil conflict and authoritarian rule to peace and democracy. Studies in Foreign Policy "

This is about racial profiling in Liberia, and I feel it would be suitable for everybody to know about. Throughout the existing accusatory writing, sometimes Liberians and foreigners have dominant thought about whether racial profiling is ingrained in the people. The founding of Liberia has exalted the descendants of American black free slaves at the expense of descendants of African natives. The accusation of manipulation by each group has intensified the divisiveness of Liberians. Such outflow of hostility has amounted to many wars and the interlocking system to belong in a group for an identity. I want Liberians and non-Liberians to read my book for the capsule of racial profiling, which started in 1821 by agents of the American Colonization Society during an undetermined event and into the twenty-first century.

The use of discrimination is an appropriation by Liberians for what I consider a settled assumption in which they are classified as despisers and erudite learners. Can Liberians escape from their choice to discriminate? No and yes. Let me be clear from the outset that no answer to this question can ever be completely convincing. What I confer depend on the existential condition of really living and not worry about fruition. This belief is becoming defensive for Liberians to make a promise for destiny. Strenuously, this belief constellate the despisers to be gronam or yanam boys, market women, and do menial labors; and the erudite learners are bookish and professional. In other words, who is responsible for the boundary of Liberians without redemption according to what is available? I know a chorus of critics will be ready for me with objection. Since formidable confusion is arising to detect who is a descendant of Americans and Africans, this dualism is for identity despite the fact that they are on the West Coast of Africa. This book should be able to explore the culpable negligence of Liberians through discourse narratives that are merely an attempt to further the use of acquired education and natural capacity. There has been tension for unity to abandon the reproach—we are separated, not equal—the distinctiveness for discrimination.

This book uses a series of case studies to examine the roles played by universities during situations of conflict, peacebuilding and resistance. While a body of work dealing with the role of education in conflict does exist, this is almost entirely concerned with compulsory education and schooling. This book, in contrast, highlights and promotes the importance of higher education, and universities in particular, to situations of conflict, peacebuilding and resistance. Using case studies from Europe, Africa, Asia and the Middle East, this volume considers institutional responses, academic responses and student responses, illustrating these in chapters written by those who have had direct experience of these issues. Looking at a university’s tripartite functions (of research, teaching and service) in relation to the different phases or stages of conflict (pre conflict, violence, post conflict and peacebuilding), it draws together some of the key contributions a university might make to situations of instability, resistance and recovery. The book is organised in five sections that deal with conceptual issues, institutional responses, academic-led or discipline-specific responses, teaching or curriculum-led responses and student involvement. Aimed at those working in universities or concerned with conflict recovery and peacebuilding it highlights ways in which universities can be a valuable, if currently neglected, resource. This book will be of much interest to students of peace studies, conflict resolution, education studies and IR in general.

Almost ten years on from the official end of wars in Sierra Leone (2002) and Liberia (2003), attention is shifting from post-war peacebuilding to longer-term development. What headway has been made? What challenges lie ahead? And what lessons that can be learnt? This issue of Accord draws on experiences and perspectives from across societies in both countries to explore comparative lessons and examine progress, and argues that peacebuilding policy and practice needs to concentrate more on people: on repairing and building relationships among communities, and between communities and the state; and on developing more participatory politics and society that includes marginalised groups. It suggests that customary practices and mechanisms can help deliver essential services across a range sectors, and that local civil society can facilitate national and international policy engagement with them.