This volume offers a unique comparative perspective on post-war conservatism, as it traces the rise and mutations of conservative ideas in three countries – Britain, France and the United States - across a ‘short’ twentieth century (1929-1990) and examines the reconfiguration of conservatism as a transnational phenomenon. This framework allows for an important and distinctive point --the 1980s were less a conservative revolution than a moment when conservatism, understood in Burkean terms, was outflanked by its various satellites and political avatars, namely, populism, neoliberalism, reaction and cultural and gender traditionalism. No long running, unique ‘conservative mind’ comes out of this book’s transnational investigation. The 1980s did not witness the ascendancy of a movement with deep roots in the 18th century reaction to the French Revolution, but rather the decline of conservatism and the rise of movements and rhetoric that had remained marginal to traditional conservatism.

During the 20th century, a variety of social movements and civil society groups stepped into the arena of international politics. This volume collects innovative research on international solidarity movements in Belgium and the Netherlands, and places these movements prominently in debates about the history of globalization, transnational activism, and international politics.

50 years after Enoch Powell’s self-styled detonation in the form of his so-called ‘Rivers of Blood’ speech, this volume brings together contributions from international scholars in the field of history, political science and British studies, with new insights from hitherto unexplored archives. It investigates some of the key national and grassroots parameters which, from above and from below, led to Powell’s violent irruption into the immigration debate in 1968. It apprehends Powell as a political and intellectual figure firmly established in the British Tory tradition, a tradition which was to shape the 1970s debate on race and immigration, and be avidly instrumentalised by the British far-right. It also analyses Powell’s positioning vis-à-vis the Irish question, and apprehends Powell’s late-1960s moment from an international standpoint, as one of the early stages of the conservative revolution which was to culminate in 2016 with Trump’s election. Lastly, this book weaves a thread between Powell and another recent political detonation: Brexit.

A Transnational History of Right-Wing Terrorism offers new insights into the history of right-wing extremism and violence in Europe, East and West, from 1900 until the present day. It is the first book to take such a broad historical approach to the topic. The book explores the transnational dimension of right-wing terrorism; networks of right-wing extremists across borders, including in exile; the trading of arms; the connection between right-wing terrorism and other forms of far-right political violence; as well as the role of supportive elements among fellow travelers, the state security apparatus, and political elites. It also examines various forms of organizational and ideological interconnectedness and what inspires right-wing terrorism. In addition to several empirical chapters on prewar extreme-right political violence, the book features extensive coverage of postwar right-wing terrorism including the recent resurgence in attacks. This book will be of great interest to students and scholars of right-wing extremism, fascism, Nazism, terrorism, and political violence.

This is the first book to examine the role that China played in the evolution of conservatism in postwar America. Historian Joyce Mao shows how, as the Cold War crystallized, political survival demanded that the Right s emphasis on small government be tempered by a proactive foreign policy that could contend with the communist threat. As an alternative to containment, their new platform combined hostility toward the United Nations, assertion of American sovereignty in diplomatic affairs, selective military intervention, strident anticommunism, and the promotion of a technological defense state. These conservative tenets, which are now so familiar to observers of American politics, were articulated in part in debates over US-China relations after WWII. Conservatives invoked the loss of China to critically assess liberal policies and lament what they saw as the corrosion of traditional values. Their insistence that the US take greater interest and action in the Far Pacific was known as the policy of Asia First, and China was its signature issue. The combination of anticommunism and Orientalist paternalism struck a chord with the public. Conservative politicians allied with the growing number of pro-Chiang activists in the private sector and at the grassroots level, revitalizing the party in the process. Mao argues that, although the policy of Asia First had only a minor impact on East Asian affairs, it played a major role in the evolution of American conservatism, and its effects are still being felt today."

This book features a broad range of thematic and national case studies which explore the interrelations and confrontations between conservatives and the radical Right in the European and global contexts of the interwar years. It investigates the political, social, cultural, and economic issues that conservatives and radicals tried to address and solve in the aftermaths of the Great War. Conservative forces ended up prevailing over far-right forces in the 1920s, with the notable exception of the Fascist regime in Italy. But over the course of the 1930s, and the ascent of the Nazi regime in Germany, political radicalisation triggered both competition and hybridisation between conservative and right-wing radical forces, with increased power for far-right and fascist movements. The book will be of great interest to students and scholars of politics, history, fascism, and Nazism.

This book reconsiders the origins of the European human rights system, arguing that its conservative inventors, foremost among them Winston Churchill, conceived of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) as a means of realizing a controversial political agenda and advancing a Christian vision of European identity.