"Politics by principle is that which modern politics is not. What we observe is 'politics by interest,' whether in the form of explicitly discriminatory treatment (rewarding or punishing) of particular groupings of citizens or of some elitist-dirigiste classification of citizens into the deserving or non-deserving on the basis of a presumed superior wisdom about what is really 'good' for us all. The proper principle for politics is that of generalization of generality." --James M. Buchanan, from the Preface In his foreword, Hartmut Kliemt sums up the main objective of James M. Buchanan and Roger Congleton's Politics by Principle: "Imposing constitutional constraints on majoritarian politics such that a more principled pattern might emerge must be a political aim of high priority for all who wish for free and responsible citizens to live together peacefully as political equals under the rule of general laws. Buchanan and Congleton's efforts to revive the classical liberal agenda in Politics by Principle, Not Interest are of the greatest interest in that regard. And this interest is not merely a theoretical one." As James Buchanan notes in introducing his co-author Roger Congleton, Politics by Principle, Not Interest "embodies the working out and presentation of a single idea...the extension and application of the generality principle to majoritarian politics." After laying out the theory, Buchanan and Congleton attempt to work it out in practical political reality. Buchanan notes that "it is much easier to discuss the generality principle as an abstract ideal than it is to define the precise conditions for its satisfaction in any particular setting." Not daunted by the difficulty of the task, the two authors succeed brilliantly in applying the generality principle to the political arena. They are interested not in laying down precise do's and don'ts for politics, but in pointing out the ideal of nondiscriminatory governance and calling for constitutional constraints on political action so it conforms more closely to the generality norm. James M. Buchanan is an eminent economist who won the Alfred Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences in 1986 and is considered one of the greatest scholars of liberty in the twentieth century. The entire series will include: Volume 1: The Logical Foundations of Constitutional Liberty Volume 2: Public Principles of Public Debt Volume 3: The Calculus of Consent Volume 4: Public Finance in Democratic Process Volume 5: The Demand and Supply of Public Goods Volume 6: Cost and Choice Volume 7: The Limits of Liberty Volume 8: Democracy in Deficit Volume 9: The Power to Tax Volume 10: The Reason of Rules Volume 11: Politics by Principle, Not Interest Volume 12: Economic Inquiry and Its Logic Volume 13: Politics as Public Choice Volume 14: Debt and Taxes Volume 15: Externalities and Public Expenditure Theory Volume 16: Choice, Contract, and Constitutions Volume

In his treatise, The Constitution of Liberty (1960), F. A. Hayek emphasized the central role of the generality principle, as embodied in the rule of law, for the maintenance of a free society. This book extends Hayek's argument by applying the generality principle to politics. Several important policy implications emerge. There are no direct implications to suggest how much governments should do. The argument suggests strongly however, that, whatever is done politically, must be done generally rather than discriminatorily.

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Politics, Inc career politicians have turned politics into a business and the result is not good excessive partisanship, gridlock and a lack of reasonable solutions to our problems. In Washington, D.C., the money chase is on and statesmen are nowhere to be found. Many books preaching about how to fix politics and public policy come from the very people who burdened us with the defective politics and public policy in the first place. Among them are self-serving politicians seeking the approval of a public they don't respect. They perceive the public as simple folk that desperately need a lesson in the complexities, subtleties and merits of public policy that isn't their interest. They also are the inbred media, who, writing for each other, aren't interested in or understand what's really happening at your home, at your job or in your mind. And what's on their mind is the fear that government one day might fall into the hands of "amateurs" namely, you, the American public. So, when a book comes along from someone who isn't rationalizing and justifying his role in messing up America, you've got a real find. In Politics, Inc., John Cox sketches with the passion and clarity of a Ronald Reagan a blueprint for national prosperity, health, security and well being, with you in mind. Here is a recipe from someone who is neither a career politician nor a pundit. It is from someone who has been tested in the real world of the free market, and succeeded. It is written for people who have had enough of career politicians, and who would appreciate the insight that someone not caught up in the trap of Washington politics can contribute. This book is for those interested in returning to what the Founding Fathers intended to bequeath us: a nation not of self-serving career politicians, but of self-governing citizens.

An index to the series "The Collected works of James M. Buchanan."

One of the biggest problems with modern democracy is that most of the public is usually ignorant of politics and government. Often, many people understand that their votes are unlikely to change the outcome of an election and don't see the point in learning much about politics. This may be rational, but it creates a nation of people with little political knowledge and little ability to objectively evaluate what they do know. In Democracy and Political Ignorance, Ilya Somin mines the depths of ignorance in America and reveals the extent to which it is a major problem for democracy. Somin weighs various options for solving this problem, arguing that political ignorance is best mitigated and its effects lessened by decentralizing and limiting government. Somin provocatively argues that people make better decisions when they choose what to purchase in the market or which state or local government to live under, than when they vote at the ballot box, because they have stronger incentives to acquire relevant information and to use it wisely.