The authors treat the interactive process between the mainland, Taiwan, and Hong Kong as a convenient organising framework to describe the economic, social, and communicative intercourse between the "core" Chinese entities -- mainly the mainland, Taiwan, and Hong Kong -- as well as the Chinese communities in other countries. The interactions between various Chinese entities are defined here as an informal, spontaneous, and interactive process incorporating a deeper cultural cohesion and a complex relationship across formal political boundaries, and sometimes well beyond official anticipation and regulation.

The question at the heart of this book is to what extent have political activists in mainland China, Taiwan and Hong Kong made progress in their quest to liberalise and democratise their respective polities. The book compares and contrasts the political development in the three regions from the early 1970s.

Tianjian Shi shows how cultural norms affect political attitudes and behavior through two causal pathways, one at the individual level and one at the community level. Focusing on two key norms - definition of self-interest and orientation to authority - he tests the theory with multiple surveys conducted in mainland China and Taiwan. Shi employs multi-level statistical analysis to show how, in these two very different political systems, similar norms exert similar kinds of influence on political trust, understanding of democracy, forms of political participation, and tolerance for protest. The approach helps to explain the resilience of authoritarian politics in China and the dissatisfaction of many Taiwan residents with democratic institutions. Aiming to place the study of political culture on a new theoretical and methodological foundation, Shi argues that a truly comparative social science must understand how culturally embedded norms influence decision making.

Taiwan is still seen by many as an oriental military dictatorship, tainted by the imposition of a Kuomintang party-state which had lost the civil war in China to the Communists in 1949. And Taiwanese politics are often regarded as peripheral to the study of modern China. Yet exciting political developments have taken place since the mid-1980s; Taiwan has emerged from dictatorship to become, in the early 1990s, a state with an increasingly democratic orientation. When, in the late 1950s, the Kuomintang under Chiang Kai-shek settled down in Taiwan and accepted that it was unlikely to recover the Chinese mainland by force, it turned to "soft authoritarianism". But in 1986 Chiang Ching-kuo, then President, made the fateful decision to end the long-standing ban on an effective opposition. Taiwan still has some way to go, but in the general election of December 1991 it passed the point of no return to become a democracy of a kind recognisable in the West, thus challenging earlier assumptions that liberal democracy and Chinese culture are incompatible. It also raises the question whether the Kuomintang party-state's experience over four decades in accommodating socio-economic changes in Taiwan holds any lessons for the Communist party-state across the Straits. Taiwan's move to a prosperous, stable and increasingly democratic system under ethnic Chinese rule must present a challenge to the leadership on the Mainland and serve as a model for many people there. These important issues highlight the need for closer study of Taiwan, which needless to say is an important subject of study in its own right. This volume has been written to meet this need, and at the same time to disperse out-of-date conceptions still prevailing. It is an international collaborative effort by the world's leading specialists on various aspects of Taiwan's political development, from Taiwan itself and several other countries.

At publication date, a free ebook version of this title will be available through Luminos, University of California Press’s Open Access publishing program. Visit www.luminosoa.org to learn more. China’s relation to Taiwan has been in constant contention since the founding of the People’s Republic of China in October 1949 and the creation of the defeated Kuomintang (KMT) exile regime on the island two months later. The island’s autonomous sovereignty has continually been challenged, initially because of the KMT’s insistence that it continue to represent not just Taiwan but all of China—and later because Taiwan refused to cede sovereignty to the then-dominant power that had arisen on the other side of the Taiwan Strait. One thing that makes Taiwan so politically difficult and yet so intellectually fascinating is that it ­­is not merely a security problem, but a ganglion of interrelated puzzles. The optimistic hope of the Ma Ying-jeou administration for a new era of peace and cooperation foundered on a landslide victory by the Democratic Progressive Party, which has made clear its intent to distance Taiwan from China’s political embrace. The Taiwanese are now waiting with bated breath as the relationship tautens. Why did détente fail, and what chance does Taiwan have without it? Contributors to this volume focus on three aspects of the evolving quandary: nationalistic identity, social economy, and political strategy.