A study of four Durham mining villages in the period 1870 to 1926 which examines the effects of Methodism on the political life of the villages during an especially important phase of trade union and political history. Professor Moore's research is both vivid and scholarly. He lived in the community, he can report first-hand on the villagers he talked with, and at the same time he produces an ambitious contribution to the social sciences.

Our nation is becoming ever more politicized. Everything from the environment to human gender have become political issues. While the old sentiment of not preaching politics from the pulpit may have once been good advice, it is increasingly more difficult not to. The problem preachers have is knowing how to wade through political issues without becoming a political pundit. A preacher can end up either merely repeating party talking points, or retreating into avoiding biblical topics to avoid dealing with political hot button issues. Thankfully, our age is not the only one to have ever suffered political crises and we can learn from the preachers of the past. One such preacher was John Chrysostom. He was not just a preacher, but also a man steeped in a sensitive political climate. Through the work of a dedicated sermon series, Chrysostom was able to calm tensions in a city who had rioted and destroyed statues of the emperor. These Homilies on the Statues proved to be a pivotal and powerful example of political preaching. By examining the homiletical methods of John Chrysostom's Homilies on the Statues we can learn how to responsibly and powerfully engaging political topics in our own day.

Did the Labour Party, in Morgan Phillips' famous phrase, owe 'more to Methodism than Marx'? Were the founding fathers of the party nurtured in the chapels of Nonconformity and shaped by their emphases on liberty, conscience and the value of every human being in the eyes of God? How did the Free Churches, traditionally allied to the Liberal Party, react to the growing importance of the Labour Party between the wars? This book addresses these questions at a range of levels: including organisation; rhetoric; policies and ideals; and electoral politics. It is shown that the distinctive religious setting in which Labour emerged indeed helps to explain the differences between it and more Marxist counterparts on the Continent, and that this setting continued to influence Labour approaches towards welfare, nationalisation and industrial relations between the wars. In the process Labour also adopted some of the righteousness of tone of the Free Churches. This setting was, however, changing. Dropping their traditional suspicion of the State, Nonconformists instead increasingly invested it with religious values, helping to turn it through its growing welfare functions into the provider of practical Christianity. This nationalisation of religion continues to shape British attitudes to the welfare state as well as imposing narrowly utilitarian and material tests of relevance upon the churches and other social institutions. The elevation of the State was not, however, intended as an end in itself. What mattered were the social and individual outcomes. Socialism, for those Free Churchmen and women who helped to shape Labour in the early twentieth century, was about improving society as much as systems.

An analysis of the political development of Western Europe in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, which argues that the evolution of nations into liberal democracies, social democracies or fascist regimes was attributable to a set of social and class alliances within the individual nations.