Central Asia has been considered as part of India’s strategic neighbourhood; however India’s engagement with Central Asia has been weak due to many contextual reasons. Earlier when the nascent Central Asian nations acquired their independent status after the demise of the Soviet Union India was preoccupied with its own economic problems. Discovery of hydrocarbons and minerals enhanced the strategic importance of Central Asian Republics. The secular polity of these nations also holds tremendous importance for India as the forces of radicalism and extremism especially those emanating from the Af-Pak belt would have adverse impact on the regional security. Major powers are also involved in Central Asia for securing their own interests. This volume looks at the strategic environment in Central Asia, the evolving security situation in Afghanistan that is of concern to Central Asian states as well as India, the non-traditional threats which are becoming more important than the conventional threats, the economic aspects of engagement with Central Asia, prospects of defence and security cooperation and the way forward. The contributors to the volume are well known experts, diplomats and strategic professionals who have looked at every aspect of India-central Asia engagement and have suggested a way forward.

Central Asia has been considered as part of India's strategic neighbourhood; however India's engagement with Central Asia has been weak due to many contextual reasons. Earlier when the nascent Central Asian nations acquired their independent status after the demise of the Soviet Union India was preoccupied with its own economic problems. Discovery of hydrocarbons and minerals enhanced the strategic importance of Central Asian Republics. The secular polity of these nations also holds tremendous importance for India as the forces of radicalism and extremism especially those emanating from the Af.

"In July 2007, the European Union initiated a fundamentally new approach to the countries of Central Asia. The launch of the EU Strategy for Central Asia signals a qualitative shift in the Union's relations with a region of the world that is of growing importance as a supplier of energy, is geographically situated in a politically sensitive area - between China, Russia, Iran, Afghanistan and the south Caucasus - and contains some of the most authoritarian political regimes in the world. In this volume, leading specialists from Europe, the United States and Central Asia explore the key challenges facing the European Union as it seeks to balance its policies between enhancing the Union's energy, business and security interests in the region while strengthening social justice, democratisation efforts and the protection of human rights. With chapters devoted to the Union's bilateral relations with Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan and Tajikistan and to the vital issues of security and democratisation, 'Engaging Central Asia' provides the first comprehensive analysis of the EU's strategic initiative in a part of the world that is fast emerging as one of the key regions of the 21st century."--BOOK JACKET.

Central Asia is the third largest point of origin for Salafi jihadist foreign fighters in the conflagration in Syria and Iraq, with more than 4,000 total fighters joining the conflict since 2012 and 2,500 reportedly arriving in the 2014-2015 timeframe alone. As the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) continues to lose territory under duress from U.S.-led anti-ISIL coalition activities, some predict that many may return home bent on jihad and generating terror and instability across Central Asia. Yet several factors indicate that such an ominous foreign fighter return may not materialize. Among these factors are that a majority of Central Asians fighting for ISIL and the al-Nusra Front in Syria and Iraq are recruited while working abroad in Russia, often from low-wage jobs under poor conditions making the recruits ripe for radicalization. In addition, many of those heading for jihad in Syria and the Levant expect that they are on a "one way journey," some to martyrdom but most for a completely new life, and do not plan a return. Most Central Asian states face their greatest risk of domestic instability and violent extremism as a reaction to political repression and counterterrorism (CT) policies that counterproductively conflate political opposition and the open practice of Islam with a domestic jihadist threat. If improperly calibrated, greater U.S. CT assistance to address foreign fighter returns may strengthen illiberal regime short-term focus on political power consolidation, overplay the limited risks of foreign fighter returns, and increase the risks of domestic unrest and future instability. The United States has few means to pressure Central Asian regimes into policies that address the main drivers of domestic radicalization, such as political inclusion and religious freedom. Although an imperfect instrument, U.S. security assistance-and the specific subset of CT assistance-is a significant lever. U.S. CT assistance for Central Asia should eschew additional general lethal assistance and instead scope security attention toward border security intelligence and physical capacity enhancements. This CT aid should be paired with important, complementary socioeconomic programs that help with countering violent extremism, including greater religious and political openness along with support for the Central Asian diaspora.

This book analyzes the strategies that different states have used to engage a rising India, their successes and failures, as well as India's responses. This analysis of the foreign relations of a key rising power, and comparative study of engagement strategies, casts light on the changing nature of Indian foreign policy.

This book, containing essays on themes relating to India’s relations with Iran and Israel, deals with issues that have been intensely debated in the country for some time now. India’s robust ties with both Iran and Israel – bitter adversaries for more than three decades – have intrigued West Asia watchers. The essays herein highlight the parallel nature of India’s engagements with the two countries and attempt to understand the critical concept of strategic autonomy that defines India’s foreign policy postures on contentious issues. The first five essays touch on the central drivers of India’s Iran policy and discuss the limits on New Delhi’s relations with the Islamic Republic. The last three essays dealing with Israel highlight the significance of India’s intervention on questions relating to Israel as well as Israel’s inspirational connection with India. With its unique treatment, lucid analysis and unusual organisation, this factually informed and policy oriented collection of essays on India, Iran and Israel will be an extremely useful resource for scholars, students, policymakers and diplomats alike. It will also interest business community involved with the West Asian region as well as any intelligent layperson looking for facts and figures on subjects discussed in the book.