In this collection, 17 leading scholars based in Solomon Islands, Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Timor-Leste, Australia, New Zealand, the United States and China analyse key dimensions of the changing relationship between China and the Pacific Islands and explore the strategic, economic and diplomatic implications for regional actors. The China Alternative includes chapters on growing great power competition in the region, as well as the response to China’s rise by the US and its Western allies and the island countries themselves. Other chapters examine key dimensions of China’s Pacific engagement, including Beijing’s programs of aid and diplomacy, as well as the massive investments of the Belt and Road Initiative. The impact of China’s rivalry for recognition with Taiwan is examined, and several chapters analyse Chinese communities in the Pacific, and their relationships with local societies. The China Alternative provides ample material for informed judgements about the ability of island leaders to maintain their agency in the changing regional order, as well as other issues of significance to the peoples of the region. ‘China’s “discovery” of the diverse Pacific islands, intriguingly resonant of the era of European explorers, is impacting on this too-long-overlooked region through multiple currents that this important book guides us through.’ —Rowan Callick, Griffith University ‘The China Alternative is a must-read for all students and practitioners interested in understanding the new geopolitics of the Pacific. It assembles a stellar cast of Pacific scholars to deeply explore the impact of the changing role of China on the Pacific islands region. Significantly, it also puts the Pacific island states at the centre of this analysis by questioning the collective agency they might have in this rapidly evolving strategic context.’ —Greg Fry, The Australian National University

The book examines the expansion of investment and trade between China and New Zealand, and its changing composition within the political framework, especially the 2008 Free Trade Agreement. Particular attention is paid to China’s volatile agrifood market, where New Zealand dairy products play an important role for both countries. The New Zealand-China economic relationship – asymmetrical and complementary, but with increasing competition from domestic production – is a case study of the complexities of globalization and the interplay of economic imperatives, political pressures and cultural factors. China is now New Zealand’s main economic partner and a major source of migrants, tourists and students. This proposed study on how New Zealand and China manage their grave dissimilarities and disparities in growing, ever close economic ties will be of interest to academics, policy analysts, economic/trade decision makers, and business practitioners.

Research Paper (undergraduate) from the year 2018 in the subject Economics - International Economic Relations, , course: INTP 244, language: English, abstract: China is changing the world economy as currently ranking the top trading partner in most developing countries. The impact of China’s rise in the global economy and Asia-Pacific regional order mean China is likely to become the global post-American hegemony. That might be nightmares for New Zealand that China’s assertion of its power is likely to be accompanied by an extension of its major preoccupation and influencing with New Zealand’s economic, political and strategic interests. New Zealand’s policy-makers should bear in mind for this trajectory of China’s power for the next five years or more. Because of both its wealth and external interests expand generate China’s economy will continue to grow strongly, resulting in significant challenges for leaders to negotiate.

While Americans are generally aware of China's ambitions as a global economic and military superpower, few understand just how deeply and assertively that country has already sought to influence American society. As the authors of this volume write, it is time for a wake-up call. In documenting the extent of Beijing's expanding influence operations inside the United States, they aim to raise awareness of China's efforts to penetrate and sway a range of American institutions: state and local governments, academic institutions, think tanks, media, and businesses. And they highlight other aspects of the propagandistic “discourse war” waged by the Chinese government and Communist Party leaders that are less expected and more alarming, such as their view of Chinese Americans as members of a worldwide Chinese diaspora that owes undefined allegiance to the so-called Motherland.Featuring ideas and policy proposals from leading China specialists, China's Influence and American Interests argues that a successful future relationship requires a rebalancing toward greater transparency, reciprocity, and fairness. Throughout, the authors also strongly state the importance of avoiding casting aspersions on Chinese and on Chinese Americans, who constitute a vital portion of American society. But if the United States is to fare well in this increasingly adversarial relationship with China, Americans must have a far better sense of that country's ambitions and methods than they do now.

"This is the first major report from the Artificial Intelligence and the Law Project. The overall focus of the report is on the regulatory issues surrounding uses of artificial intelligence (AI) in New Zealand. There are many types of AI systems, and many spheres within which AI systems are used (in New Zealand and beyond). Phase 1 of the project focuses on regulatory issues surrounding the use of predictive AI models in New Zealand government departments. As discussed in the report, while there are many types of AI model, the concept of a “predictive model” picks out a reasonably well-defined class of models that share certain commonalities and are fairly well characterisable as a regulatory target. The report specifically focuses on the use of predictive models in the public sector because the researchers want to begin by discussing regulatory options in a sphere where the New Zealand Government can readily take action. New Zealand’s Government can relatively easily effect changes in the way its own departments and public institutions operate. The report identifies and discusses a number of primary concerns: Accuracy, Human control, Transparency and a right to reasons/explanations, Bias, fairness and discrimination, Privacy. Individual rights are vital for any democracy but exclusive reliance should not be placed on individual rights models that depend on affected parties holding predictive algorithms to account. Often, individuals will lack the resources to do so. Furthermore, individual rights models might offer limited efficacy in monitoring group harms. With regard to oversight and regulation, one of the key recommendations of the report is that Government should consider the establishment of a regulatory/oversight agency. Several possible models for the new regulatory agency are proposed in the report. The new regulator could serve a range of other functions, including: Producing best practice guidelines; Maintaining a register of algorithms used in government; Producing an annual public report on such uses; Conducting ongoing monitoring on the effects of these tools. The report indicates preference for a relatively “hard-edged” regulatory agency, with the authority to demand information and answers, and to deny permission for certain proposals. However, even a light-touch regulatory agency could serve an important function. The researchers stress the need for consultation with a wide range of stakeholders across New Zealand society, especially with populations likely to be affected by algorithmic decisions, and with those likely to be under-represented in construction and training. This is likely to include those in lower socio-economic classes, and Māori and Pacific Island populations. Quite simply, they are likely to have insights, concerns and perspectives that will not be available to even the most well-intentioned of outside observers."--Publisher's website.

Prudence, Pragmatism and Principle examines New Zealand's approach to national security by taking the country's own definition of security and examining each of the components within that definition to determine what the country has or has not done to achieve security.The book highlights the centralised all-of-government approach to achieving security policy and its more distributed and focused approach to responding to national security issues. It also evaluates the degree to which the country chooses to follow a path of prudence, pragmatism or principle in achieving its security. The emphasis on each of those is different according to the issue.The author first presents the development of New Zealand's thinking about security issues and the structure of the national security system. He then delves into case studies of security concern including the national demand for security, international disorder, New Zealand's immediate region and its security, disruptions in the domestic sphere, and natural hazards as a security issue. The final substantive chapter examines how New Zealand works to achieve its security goal of the freedom of citizens 'to make the most of opportunities to advance their way of life'; an unusual national security goal and one that is difficult to achieve or even to define.

The aim of this book is to provide the reader with an overview of New Zealand's international relations. It is a country that has often shown an international presence that is out of proportion to the modest spectrum of national economic, military and diplomatic capabilities at its disposal.In this volume, the editors have called upon a range of specialists representing a range of views drawn from the worlds of academia, policy-making, and civil society. It is an attempt to present a rounded picture of New Zealand's place in the world, one that does not rely exclusively on any particular perspective. The book does not claim to be exhaustive. But it does seek to present a more wide-ranging treatment of New Zealand's foreign relations than has generally been the case in the past.Five broad themes help shape and organize the contributions to the text: