Academic Paper from the year 2020 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Region: Africa, grade: 10th, Princeton University (Princeton University), course: Political Eeconomics, language: English, abstract: In this article, the author argues that Neopatrimonialism in Africa and Neopatrimonialism outside Africa are two different things in so many aspects, making the case of neopatrimonialism in Africa a distinguishable and different one than the rest of the world, that should be taken into consideration for further studies discreetly. The author also argues that while neopatrimonialism might leverage some nations and support democracy, the same case doesn't apply to the Sub Saharan regions. Going by the many articles defining the definition of neopatrimonialism, many researchers intertwine neopatrimonial regimes with developing countries and correlate the term with the levels of corruption and poverty in those countries. Several studies have been applied to neopatrimonialism to explain the depravity in several developing countries from different continents, without distinguishing between neopatrimonialism in Africa and neopatrimonialism in the other parts of the world. Neopatrimonial regimes in Africa are way different from their counterparts in the rest of the world; several reasons contributed to the rise, the continuity and the failure of transition to democratic regimes in Africa, among those reasons: traditions, ethical representations, and personality rule those three conditions are present and repetitive in every case of the Sub Saharan countries under neopatrimonial regimes, however, that's not the case fo the rest of the neopatrimonial states outside Africa. Research around the term neopatrimonialism and its features seem to be one of the most intricate things about this term. Some scholars have stated that neopatrimonialism spurs democracy, they have argued that patrimonialism may promote both democracy and developmental governance. While

Neopatrimonialism, a system whereby rulers use state resources for personal benefit and to secure the loyalty of clients in the general population, is central to any teaching or conceptualisation of contemporary African politics. This book is a theoretical and comparative study of neopatrimonialism in Africa and across world regions. Although such practices are widespread in other parts of the world, the African neopatrimonial state has also become a global prototype of the anti-developmental state. This volume calls for a reappraisal of the genesis and interpretations of the concepts of patrimonialism and neopatrimonialism. Expert contributors consider recent debates in Africa through the study of democracy, clientelism, the ‘big man’ syndrome (Kenya), the rise of ‘godfatherism’ (Nigeria), ‘warlordism’ (Liberia) and the neopatrimonial state on a day to day basis (Niger). They discuss patrimonialism and neopatrimonialism from Latin America to Europe, Central Asia and Asia-Pacific, to weave a comparative analysis of the interplay between public policies and private interest. Neopatrimonialism in Africa and Beyond is an important and timely volume that will be of interest to students and scholars of international politics, African studies, sociology and international development.

Our Continent, Our Future presents the emerging African perspective on this complex issue. The authors use as background their own extensive experience and a collection of 30 individual studies, 25 of which were from African economists, to summarize this African perspective and articulate a path for the future. They underscore the need to be sensitive to each country's unique history and current condition. They argue for a broader policy agenda and for a much more active role for the state within what is largely a market economy. Finally, they stress that Africa must, and can, compete in an increasingly globalized world and, perhaps most importantly, that Africans must assume the leading role in defining the continent's development agenda.

Based on a detailed study of 35 cases in Africa, Asia, Latin America, and post-communist Eurasia, this book explores the fate of competitive authoritarian regimes between 1990 and 2008. It finds that where social, economic, and technocratic ties to the West were extensive, as in Eastern Europe and the Americas, the external cost of abuse led incumbents to cede power rather than crack down, which led to democratization. Where ties to the West were limited, external democratizing pressure was weaker and countries rarely democratized. In these cases, regime outcomes hinged on the character of state and ruling party organizations. Where incumbents possessed developed and cohesive coercive party structures, they could thwart opposition challenges, and competitive authoritarian regimes survived; where incumbents lacked such organizational tools, regimes were unstable but rarely democratized.

The Oxford Handbook of Comparative Regionalism - the first of its kind - offers a systematic and wide-ranging survey of the scholarship on regionalism, regionalization, and regional governance. Unpacking the major debates, leading authors of the field synthesize the state of the art, provide a guide to the comparative study of regionalism, and identify future avenues of research. Twenty-seven chapters review the theoretical and empirical scholarship with regard to the emergence of regionalism, the institutional design of regional organizations and issue-specific governance, as well as the effects of regionalism and its relationship with processes of regionalization. The authors explore theories of cooperation, integration, and diffusion explaining the rise and the different forms of regionalism. The handbook also discusses the state of the art on the world regions: North America, Latin America, Europe, Eurasia, Asia, North Africa and the Middle East, and Sub-Saharan Africa. Various chapters survey the literature on regional governance in major issue areas such as security and peace, trade and finance, environment, migration, social and gender policies, as well as democracy and human rights. Finally, the handbook engages in cross-regional comparisons with regard to institutional design, dispute settlement, identities and communities, legitimacy and democracy, as well as inter- and transregionalism.

Are there social, political and cultural factors in Africa which aspire to the continuation of patrimony and conspire against economic development? In association with the International African Institute North America: Indiana U Press