Langan reclaims neo-colonialism as an analytical force for making sense of the failure of ‘development’ strategies in many African states in an era of free market globalisation. Eschewing polemics and critically engaging the work of Ghana’s first President – Kwame Nkrumah – the book offers a rigorous assessment of the concept of neo-colonialism. It then demonstrates how neo-colonialism remains an impediment to genuine empirical sovereignty and poverty reduction in Africa today. It does this through examination of corporate interventions; Western aid-giving; the emergence of ‘new’ donors such as China; EU-Africa trade regimes; the securitisation of development; and the UN Sustainable Development Goals. Throughout the chapters, it becomes clear that the current challenges of African development cannot be solely pinned on so-called neo-patrimonial elites. Instead it becomes imperative to fully acknowledge, and interrogate, corporate and donor interventions which lock many poorer countries into neo-colonial patterns of trade and production. The book provides an original contribution to studies of African political economy, demonstrating the on-going relevance of the concept of neo-colonialism, and reclaiming it for scholarly analysis in a global era.

Langan reclaims neo-colonialism as an analytical force for making sense of the failure of ‘development’ strategies in many African states in an era of free market globalisation. Eschewing polemics and critically engaging the work of Ghana’s first President – Kwame Nkrumah – the book offers a rigorous assessment of the concept of neo-colonialism. It then demonstrates how neo-colonialism remains an impediment to genuine empirical sovereignty and poverty reduction in Africa today. It does this through examination of corporate interventions; Western aid-giving; the emergence of ‘new’ donors such as China; EU-Africa trade regimes; the securitisation of development; and the UN Sustainable Development Goals. Throughout the chapters, it becomes clear that the current challenges of African development cannot be solely pinned on so-called neo-patrimonial elites. Instead it becomes imperative to fully acknowledge, and interrogate, corporate and donor interventions which lock many poorer countries into neo-colonial patterns of trade and production. The book provides an original contribution to studies of African political economy, demonstrating the on-going relevance of the concept of neo-colonialism, and reclaiming it for scholarly analysis in a global era.

Project Report from the year 2020 in the subject History - Africa, grade: 1,0, , language: English, abstract: This paper reviews the after-colonial relationship between African countries and more developed states and discusses whether Africa is trapped in imperialism, more precisely in neo-colonialism. To answer this question, I took a look into the characteristics of neo-colonialism and how more developed states influence Africa, for instance, its decision-making. Finally, I examined the effects of neo-colonialism and how it shapes our impression of Africa. Colonialism in Africa already started back in the time when Arabs invaded Africa in the 7th century, but they mostly stayed in the northern parts of the said continent, above the Sahara. By bringing in the religion Islam, the Arabs had major influences on the African continent . Moreover, through building trading posts at the eastern coast of Africa, they connected the continent to the Indian Ocean Trading Complex, which stretched from China, over India, to Africa. African natural resources, and even slaves, were exported and Indian textiles were imported .

This book examines the implications of Brexit for Africa-UK relations amid a ‘new scramble’ for the continent. Engaging Nkrumah on neo-colonialism and recent scholarship on global coloniality, Langan here underscores concerns that Brexit was fuelled by an imperial romanticism that now gives rise to a Global Britain project involving the perpetration of ‘Empire 2.0’ in Africa. In this context, he examines UK elites’ pursuit of Brexit trade deals and the ‘development’ consequences of premature market opening. Throughout its chapters, this work assesses strategic usages of UK aid monies in terms of economic leverage and the externalisation of migration and highlights the impact of UK development finance and corporate activities for the health and wellbeing of workers and host communities. Significantly, Langan explores the UK’s pursuit of security interests and human rights criticisms and concludes by highlighting African agency to resist the Global Britain project amid the fragility of the British state itself.

The classic work of political, economic, and historical analysis, powerfully introduced by Angela Davis In his short life, the Guyanese intellectual Walter Rodney emerged as one of the leading thinkers and activists of the anticolonial revolution, leading movements in North America, South America, the African continent, and the Caribbean. In each locale, Rodney found himself a lightning rod for working class Black Power. His deportation catalyzed 20th century Jamaica's most significant rebellion, the 1968 Rodney riots, and his scholarship trained a generation how to think politics at an international scale. In 1980, shortly after founding of the Working People's Alliance in Guyana, the 38-year-old Rodney would be assassinated. In his magnum opus, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, Rodney incisively argues that grasping "the great divergence" between the west and the rest can only be explained as the exploitation of the latter by the former. This meticulously researched analysis of the abiding repercussions of European colonialism on the continent of Africa has not only informed decades of scholarship and activism, it remains an indispensable study for grasping global inequality today.

This is the book which, when first published in 1965, caused such an uproar in the US State Department that a sharp note of protest was sent to Kwame Nkrumah and the $25million of American "aid" to Ghana was promptly cancelled.

Seminar paper from the year 2017 in the subject Sociology - Miscellaneous, grade: 1,0, Korea University, Seoul (Social Science), course: Sociology and Gloabal Governance, language: English, abstract: The development aid can be traced back to strategic and historical donor considerations. Aside from vastly expanding the arena of ideological rivalry during the cold war, the 1940s saw the beginning of the independence movement among former colonies. Independence encouraged new donors to build aid programmes as a continuation of their colonial obligations in the 1950s. In the 1960s, the principal donors agreed to set up the International Development Association (IDA) under the control of the World Bank, which was quickly established as financially the most significant source of concessional assistance. As the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) is an institution of the UN system, which shares the same goal of raising living standards in their member countries and focusing on long-term economic development and poverty reduction. Development aid is, besides the colonial debt, often legitimized by the humanitarian obligation to help the people in need and thereby allows aid institutions to work almost unquestioningly and unproblematically in so called developing countries. The designation of ‘development’ as ‘good’ with the differentiation of the ‘bad colonialism’ seems to bear no resemblance to the perceived inequalities and exploitations of empire. But the ‘new imperialism’ can already be recognized in the designation ‘development’. The concept of ‘development’ conveys a hierarchy of the world through the juxtaposition of ‘developed’ and ‘underdeveloped’ and a power asymmetry through the unequal share of resources for development.