This book attempts to understand Najibnomics-economic policies advocated by the sixth Prime Minister of Malaysia, Datuk Seri Najib Tun Abdul Razak, since he helmed office on April 3, 2009. Najibnomics refers to a new approach to Malaysia’s economic development which is typified by three main characteristics: knowledge, innovation and freedom. It is a set of strategies, programmes and measures meant to transform Malaysia into a high-income and developed nation by the year 2020. This book analyses Najibnomics in action, or rather attempts to problematise Najibnomics at the level of its implementation. Through Najibnomics, the Malaysian government strives to keep the momentum of a sustainable growth trajectory, to enhance the well-being of the rakyat (people) and ensure the country gets out of the “middle-income trap” to become a high-income and developed economy by the year 2020.

The victory of the Pakatan Harapan (PH), or the Alliance of Hope on May 9, 2018 in the Malaysian 14th General Election (GE14) was not just stunning, but historic. Moreover, the second comeback of Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad as the seventh Prime Minister of Malaysia was indeed impressive. The results of the GE14 were clearly against the tide as many political pundits and analysts had predicted a win for the Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition with differences only in matters of margins. Similar to Malaysia’s 13th General Election (GE13), which was held on May 5, 2013, the main issue in the GE14 was also about the economy. The rise in cost of living was perhaps the mother of all issues which caused the downfall of the BN government for the first time since independence. Other crucial economic issues centered on alleged corruption practices and manifested through the 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) saga. As a new federal power for 22 months, the PH government had a daunting task not just to address economic issues mentioned above, but also the other alleged economic problems which they had highlighted in their election manifesto. On top of that, the PH government had the responsibility to maintain, if not to improve further what the BN government had done to the Malaysian economy in the past, of which World Bank economists described as a success story, “a very strong economy” and “growing towards a high-income.” Post-GE14, what is the state of the Malaysian economy and its direction? What are lessons that can be learned from the PH economic management? And with the Perikatan Nasional (PN) government succeeding the federal power in March 2020 in the midst of the Covid-19 pandemic, what are the pressing issues and what needs to be done moving forward especially in the context of the economic challenges arising from the pandemic and post-Covid-19 era? These are some critical questions which this book is trying to address. The book essentially argues for the need to give greater focus to economic issues above anything else by envisioning a new national vision and engineering a new wave of economic structural reforms primarily based on insights from the vast Malaysian economic history lessons

Malaysia was once on the cusp of becoming one of the ‘Asian Tigers’ as a result of the impressively high growth rates recorded in the early 1990s. From 1990 until 1997, the growth rate was above 9 percent per annum on average. This performance came to an end when the economy was struck by the 1997/98 Asian Financial Crisis, the worst economic crisis Malaysia has ever experienced since independence. Things eventually worsened with the onslaught of the 2008/09 Global Financial Crisis, which dragged the Malaysian economy yet into another round of a recession with the growth rate contracting at 1.5 percent in 2009. On hindsight, these two events, which have had a substantial impact on the state of the Malaysian economy, pointed to several urgent calls for economic reforms, such as the need to address structural weaknesses of the economy and to have a growth target which is both sustainable as well as inclusive. When Datuk Seri Najib Razak became the sixth Prime Minister of Malaysia from April 2009 until May 2018, it was clear that a new approach to economic development for Malaysia had to be crafted. Towards this end, he introduced the National Transformation Policy (NTP), so that the economy can be transformed into one that is of high-income and developed status by the year 2020. He also set a new vision for Malaysia, also known as the 2050 National Transformation, or TN50, which is meant to chart a new course for Malaysia to move into the second half of the 21st century. How successful is this transformational agenda? What are the other issues and challenges which need to be addressed? What important lessons can we learn from this transformational journey? This book is an attempt to address these specific questions by assessing Najib’s economic plans, policies, programmes and vision which evolved during the nine years of his term as the sixth Prime Minister of Malaysia.

The Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPPA) is an economic partnership pact negotiated by 12 countries in three continents, namely Australia, Brunei, Canada, Chile, Japan, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore, United States and Vietnam. The TPPA has evolved into the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), when the United States pulled out from the multilateral free trade deal in 2018. Malaysia began negotiations on the TPPA in August 2010, and participated as a full negotiating member from October 2010 onwards. The TPPA itself was based on the United States-Korea Free Trade Agreement (KORUS), which was completed in 2011. This agreement provided a benchmark to decide and evaluate on several issues in the CPTPP. The overall intent of the CPTPP is a simple one: it is to extend non-discriminatory practices to all CPTPP members. This does not mean that regulations and restrictions will not exist— that such regulations will apply equally to Malaysian and non-Malaysian CPTPP members. Contentious issues in the CPTPP will be analyse and discuss in this book. Is the Malaysian economy ready for the CPTPP rules especially in the financial and capital markets? To what extent that Bank Negara’s ability to retain their power to intervene when either the balance of payments or the currency is felt to be under threat with CPTPP? What are the impacts of CPTPP to the real economic side of the Malaysian economy? Will national rights are being relinquished under CPTPP? How about the concern over investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS)? This book will address these issues in an objective and rational manner.

A case study of a multi-ethnic Muslim state and a contribution to the study of the domestic functions of foreign policy. The book also addresses the real and imagined significance of Islam as a force in contemporary global politics.

Dr. Mahathir Mohamad, Prime Minister of Malaysia since 1981, is one of Asia's most successful politicians. Once feared by some as an ideologue of state intervention to restructure Malaysian society, Mahathir is now admired by many for his vision of industrializing his nation into Asia's 'fifth tiger.' Paradoxes of Mahathirism is the first full-length scholarly examination of the enigma of Mahathir. As a study of political ideology, it explores Mahathir's ideas on nationalism, capitalism, Islam, populism, and authoritarianism--the core of Mahathirism. Within the context of Malaysia's recent political history, it charts the evolution of Mahathir's complex world-view to reveal paradoxes, alternating patterns of consistency and contradiction, which help us understand his politics, policies, and personality.

This book captures Malaysia's foreign policy over the first fifty years and beyond since the date of the country's formal independence in 1957. The author provides "macro-historical" narratives of foreign policy practices and outcomes over distinct time periods under the tenures of the five prime ministers. One chapter delves into relations with immediate neighbouring states and another chapter analyses the political economy of foreign policy. A postscript deals with the transition of foreign policy beyond the fifth decade. The concluding chapter suggests that Malaysian middlepowermanship has been in the making in foreign policy practice being particularly evident since the Mahathir years. Employing a critical-constructivist approach throughout the study, the author posits that foreign policy should be appreciated as outcomes of socio-political-economic processes embedded within a Malaysian political culture. In terms of broad policy orientations, Malaysian foreign policy over five decades has navigated over the terrains of neutralism, regionalism, globalization and Islamism. However, the critical engagement of civil society in foreign policy construction remains a formidable challenge.