Stockmann argues that the consequences of introducing market forces to the media depend on the institutional design of the state.

Using interviews, newspaper articles, online texts, official documents, and national surveys, Lei shows that the development of the public sphere in China has provided an unprecedented forum for citizens to organize, influence the public agenda, and demand accountability from the government.

This collection of essays-- written by pioneering Chinese journalists and Western experts--explores how transformations in China's media--from a propaganda mouthpiece into an entity that practices watchdog journalism--are changing the country. In detailed case studies, the authors describe how politicians are reacting to increased scrutiny from the media, and how television, newspapers, magazines, and Web-based news sites navigate the cross currents between the market and the CCP censors.

Who watches over the party-state? In this engaging analysis, Maria Repnikova reveals the webs of an uneasy partnership between critical journalists and the state in China. More than merely a passive mouthpiece or a dissident voice, the media in China also plays a critical oversight role, one more frequently associated with liberal democracies than with authoritarian systems. Chinese central officials cautiously endorse media supervision as a feedback mechanism, as journalists carve out space for critical reporting by positioning themselves as aiding the agenda of the central state. Drawing on rare access in the field, Media Politics in China examines the process of guarded improvisation that has defined this volatile partnership over the past decade on a routine basis and in the aftermath of major crisis events. Combined with a comparative analysis of media politics in the Soviet Union and contemporary Russia, the book highlights the distinctiveness of Chinese journalist-state relations, as well as the renewed pressures facing them in the Xi era.

China is more than a socialist market economy led by ever more reform-minded leaders. It is a country whose people seek liberty on a daily basis. Th eir success has been phenomenal, despite the fact that China continues to be governed by a single party. Clear distinctions between the people and the government are emerging, underlining the fact that true liberalization cannot be imposed from above. Although a large percentage of the Chinese people have been part of China's long march to freedom, farmers, entrepreneurs, migrants, Chinese gays, sex pleasure seekers, and black-marketers played a particularly important role in the beginning. Lawyers, scholars, journalists, and rights activists have jumped in more recently to ensure that liberalization continues. Social dissatisfaction with the government is now published in the media, addressed in public forums, and deliberated in courtrooms. Intellectuals devoted to improvement in human rights and continued liberalization are part of the process. This grassroots social revolution has also resulted from the explosion of information available to ordinary people (especially via the Internet) and far-reaching international influences. All have fundamentally altered key elements of the moral and material content of China's party-state regime and society at large. Th is social revolution is moving China towards a more liberal society despite its government. Th e Chinese government reacts, rather than leads, in this transformative process. Th is book is a landmark--a decade in the making.

This book examines the various stages of China’s development, in the economic, social, and political fields, relating theories and models of development to what is actually occurring in China, and discussing how China’s development is likely to progress going forward. It argues that China’s modernization hitherto can be characterized as "authoritarian development" – a fusion of mixed economic institutions of varying types of ownership with social stability and political cohesiveness – and that the present phase, where more emphasis is being given to social issues, is likely to lead on to a new phase where a more mature civil society and a more extensive middle class are likely to look for greater democratization. It presents an in-depth analysis of China’s changing social structure and civil society, explores the forces for and processes of democratization, and assesses the prospects for further democratization in the light of changing social structures.

Scholars have recognized the importance of commercial news media in disseminating diversified information to challenge state censorship. However, these observations fail to explain adequately how and why the authoritarian regime in China is able to strengthen its capacity to control information even after information flourished dramatically since the 1990s. From a state perspective, I argue that besides disseminating information, commercialization also differentiates informational and state-media conflict, which transforms the previous single-dimensional state-media regime into a three-dimensional one. During this process, the development of the court system and the labor market have played a significant role in shaping state-media dynamics and offer the state the structural resilience to survive these information challenges. The implications of the new state-media regime are further discussed.