Reprint of the original, first published in 1873.

An innovator in contemporary thought on economic and political development looks here at decline rather than growth. Albert O. Hirschman makes a basic distinction between alternative ways of reacting to deterioration in business firms and, in general, to dissatisfaction with organizations: one, “exit,” is for the member to quit the organization or for the customer to switch to the competing product, and the other, “voice,” is for members or customers to agitate and exert influence for change “from within.” The efficiency of the competitive mechanism, with its total reliance on exit, is questioned for certain important situations. As exit often undercuts voice while being unable to counteract decline, loyalty is seen in the function of retarding exit and of permitting voice to play its proper role. The interplay of the three concepts turns out to illuminate a wide range of economic, social, and political phenomena. As the author states in the preface, “having found my own unifying way of looking at issues as diverse as competition and the two-party system, divorce and the American character, black power and the failure of ‘unhappy’ top officials to resign over Vietnam, I decided to let myself go a little.”

In 1950, when he commissioned the first edition of The Armed Forces Officer, Secretary of Defense George C. Marshall told its author, S.L.A. Marshall, that "American military officers, of whatever service, should share common ground ethically and morally." In this new edition, the authors methodically explore that common ground, reflecting on the basics of the Profession of Arms, and the officer's special place and distinctive obligations within that profession and especially to the Constitution.

During the first four decades of the twentieth century, the British Indian Army possessed an illusion of racial and religious inclusivity. The army recruited diverse soldiers, known as the "Martial Races," including British Christians, Hindustani Muslims, Punjabi Sikhs, Hindu Rajputs, Pathans from northwestern India, and "Gurkhas" from Nepal. As anti-colonial activism intensified, military officials incorporated some soldiers' religious traditions into the army to keep them disciplined and loyal. They facilitated acts such as the fast of Ramadan for Muslim soldiers and allowed religious swords among Sikhs to recruit men from communities where anti-colonial sentiment grew stronger. Consequently, Indian nationalists and anti-colonial activists charged the army with fomenting racial and religious divisions. In Faithful Fighters, Kate Imy explores how military culture created unintended dialogues between soldiers and civilians, including Hindu nationalists, Sikh revivalists, and pan-Islamic activists. By the 1920s and '30s, the army constructed military schools and academies to isolate soldiers from anti-colonial activism. While this carefully managed military segregation crumbled under the pressure of the Second World War, Imy argues that the army militarized racial and religious difference, creating lasting legacies for the violent partition and independence of India, and the endemic warfare and violence of the post-colonial world.

"Third volume of in-depth analysis of the army. Format is similar to previous two volumes. There is, however, more emphasis on the internal maneuvering which characterizes the period. The detail is based on information provided by the participants. A worthy successor to the other studies and essential for analysis of the period. For reviews of vol. 1, see HLAS 31:7229 and HLAS 32:2599a"--Handbook of Latin American Studies, v. 58.

When in March, 1957, Ghana became the first African country in colonial Africa to achieve Independence, the event was enthusiastically welcomed by millions of Africans and liberal non-Africans. Many African people looked up to Ghana with hope, confidence and pride. These people hoped that the torch of freedom would be held aloft in their own countries also. That Ghana had among the highest per capita income in Africa and the best developed educational and health facilities were but some of the factors establishing Ghana's position of stature in Africa. The question then is, how it comes about that beginning with such historic political and economic achievements, the country deteriorated through a series of military coups that eventually led to the bloody revolution of June, 1979. Could the revolution have been avoided? What are the lessons that Ghana itself, and other African countries, can learn? The Ghanaian Revolution attempts, clearly and dispassionately, to answer these questions.