Largely based on new research and containing previously unpublished material, the highly successful Lebanese Civil War mini-series provides an in-depth insight into a complex, multi-facetted conflict, and an inclusive and balanced, blow-by-blow account of all the known actions in the air, on the ground, and at sea.

Focusing on military-related developments 'Lebanese Civil War' dissects military forces, their equipment, intention and capabilities, and their combat operations.

This book challenges the assumption that men write of war, women of the hearth. The Lebanese war has seen the publication of many more works of fiction by women than by men. Miriam Cooke has termed these women the Beirut Decentrists, as they are decentered or excluded from both literary canon and social discourse. Although they may not share religious or political affiliation, they do share a perspective which holds them together. Cooke traces the transformation in consciousness that has taken place among women who observed and recorded the progress towards chaos in Lebanon. During the so-called "two year" war of 1975-76 little comment was made about those (usually men in search of economic security) who left the saturnalia of violence, but with time attitudes changed. Women became aware that they had remained out of a sense of responsibility for others and that they had survived. Consciousness of survival was catalytic: the Beirut Decentrists began to describe a society that had gone beyond the masculinization normal in most wars and achieved an almost unprecedented feminization. Emigration, the expected behavior for men before 1975, became the sin qua non for Lebanese citizenship. The writings of the Beirut Decentists offer hope of an escape from the anarchy. If men and women could espouse the Lebanese women's sense of responsibility, the energy that had fueled the unrelenting savagery could be turned to reconstruction. But that was before the invasion of 1982.

This book analyses the reasons for women’s participation in the various Lebanese and Palestinian militias involved in the Lebanese Civil War (1975-1990). Whilst most existing accounts of the Civil War in Lebanon either overlook the roles and experiences of women entirely or focus on women as victims or peacemakers only, ‘Women and the Lebanese Civil War’ highlights that women were involved as militants (and often also as fighters) in all of the militias partaking in the war. Analysing individual motivations, organisational characteristics, security-related aspects and societal factors, the book explains why women were included as fighters in some of the militias but not in others. Based on extensive fieldwork in Lebanon, the book is the first comprehensive study of female perpetrators and supporters of political violence during the Lebanese Civil War. Beyond the case of Lebanon, it questions widespread assumptions about the roles of women at times of violent conflict and war.

Long before Mexico, Colombia, and Afghanistan became notorious for their contributions to the global drug traffic, Lebanon was a special target of U.S. drug agents for harboring the world's greatest single transit port in the international traffic in narcotics. In the words of one American official, "certain of the largest traffickers are so influential politically, and certain highly placed officials so deeply involved in the narcotic traffic, that one might well state that the Lebanese Government is in the narcotics business." Using previously secret government records, The Lebanese Connection uncovers for the first time the story of how Lebanon's economy and political system were corrupted by drug profits—and how, by financing its many ruthless militia, Lebanon's drug trade contributed to the country's greatest catastrophe, its fifteen-year civil war from 1975 to 1990. In so doing, this book sheds new light on the dangerous role of vast criminal enterprises in the collapse of states and the creation of war economies that thrive in the midst of civil conflicts. Taking a regional approach to the drug issue, Jonathan Marshall assesses the culpability of Syria, Israel, and of Palestinian factions and other groups that used Lebanon as their battleground. On the international level, he documents Lebanon's contribution to the hard drug problem of major consuming countries, from the days of the "French Connection" through the "Pizza Connection," as well as Lebanon's unrivaled place in the global hashish market.