Parties are the major actors of political representation in democracies. They have been acknowledged repeatedly as the critical link between voters, representatives and guarantors of democratic governance. Without them, a democracy can hardly be said to exist because they are the principal links between government and society. However, parties can lose their representative capacity, and be challenged by disaffected electorates that pursue other alternatives for political involvement. This book focuses upon the electoral weakening of Latin America's traditional parties. These parties dominated the political arena in the region during the last decades of the twentieth century. They played a significant role in the legitimation of democratic politics in particular when countries transited from authoritarian regimes in the late 1950s (Colombia and Venezuela) and later on, in the late 1970s (e.g., Ecuador) and 1980s (e.g., Argentina, Uruguay, Chile). Latin American traditional parties structured post-authoritarian political and party systems; they defined the rules of the democratic game (i.e., electoral systems); they became consolidated as the principal agents of political representation and were the main actors in policy-making processes. However, by the beginning of the 21st century (2000-2005) many of them faded, and political outsiders with antiestablishment discourses as well as new parties and political movements flourished.

The 2021 volume of the benchmark bibliography of Latin American Studies.

"The relationship between populism and democracy is a hotly debated topic. Some believe that populism is inherently bad for democracy because it is anti-pluralist and confrontational. Others argue that populism can reinvigorate worn-out democracies in need of an infusion of greater popular participation. This book advances this debate by examining the empirical relationship between populism in power and democracy in five Latin American countries. These cases reveal that populism in power does not always lead to the demise of democracy; rather, it does so only under certain varieties of populism. When populist chief executives are bent on using the state's repressive apparatus to subvert democracy, and enjoy significant public support, then it requires an extraordinary effort by both the opposition and the judiciary to contain their efforts at power aggrandizement. If they succeed in overcoming societal and institutional resistance, then an unconstrained variety of populism in power will materialize. The significant power asymmetry that this variety entails will lead to the demise of electoral democracy. If populist leaders are constrained by the judiciary and other institutional actors, then electoral democracy will be preserved, at least for a while. Of the five cases of populist presidents studied here, four were able to rule unconstrained, and only one the populist was contained. The book offers a theory to explain this divergent outcome. There is a recognizable pattern in the trajectory of populism in power, with one path leading to democratic erosion and another to democratic survival"--

Party Brands in Crisis offers a new way of thinking about how the behavior of political parties affects voters' attachments.

Latin American states took dramatic steps toward greater inclusion during the late twentieth and early twenty-first Centuries. Bringing together an accomplished group of scholars, this volume examines this shift by introducing three dimensions of inclusion: official recognition of historically excluded groups, access to policymaking, and resource redistribution. Tracing the movement along these dimensions since the 1990s, the editors argue that the endurance of democratic politics, combined with longstanding social inequalities, create the impetus for inclusionary reforms. Diverse chapters explore how factors such as the role of partisanship and electoral clientelism, constitutional design, state capacity, social protest, populism, commodity rents, international diffusion, and historical legacies encouraged or inhibited inclusionary reform during the late 1990s and early 2000s. Featuring original empirical evidence and a strong theoretical framework, the book considers cross-national variation, delves into the surprising paradoxes of inclusion, and identifies the obstacles hindering further fundamental change.

This book generates a wealth of new empirical information about Latin American party systems and contributes richly to major theoretical debates about party systems and democracy.