In 1540 a small number of Spaniards founded the city of Arequipa in southwestern Peru. These colonists, later immigrants, and their descendants devoted considerable energy to exploiting the surrounding area. At first, like many other Spaniards in the Americas, they relied primarily on Indian producers; by the late 1500s they had acquired land and established small farms and estates. This, the first study to examine the agrarian history of a region in South America from the mid-sixteenth through late-seventeenth century, demonstrates that colonials exploited the countryside as capitalists. They ran their rural enterprises as efficiently as possible, expanded their sources of credit and labor, tapped widespread markets, and lobbied strenuously to influence the royal government. The reasons for such behavior have seldom been explored beyond the colonists’ evident need to sustain themselves and their dependents. Arequipa’s case suggests another fundamental cause of capitalist behavior in colonial South America: rural wealth was inextricably tied to the colonists’ desire to reinforce and improve their stature. Arequipa’s Spanish families of the upper and middle social levels consistently employed land and its proceeds to attract prominent spouses, to acquire prestigious political and military posts, and to enhance their standing by becoming benefactors of the Church. They rarely lost sight of the crucial role that wealth played in their lives. Thus, when the region’s economy flourished, as it did during the late 1500s, they expanded and improved their holdings. When it faltered at the beginning of the next century, they made every effort to retain properties, even fragmenting land to accommodate family members and new spouses. Unlike patterns sometimes suggested for Spanish America, many Arequipan colonial families possessed land and retained it over many generations. Neither the increasingly rich Church nor a few powerful persons managed to build up extensive estates. Landowners in Colonial Peru explains how and why rural property became so important. It emphasizes both the capitalist bent of Hispanics and the manner in which wealth served social aspirations. The approach makes clear that many of the economic and social characteristics so often attributed to eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Latin Americans were present from the early Colonial period.

Many observers in colonial Spanish America—whether clerical, governmental, or foreign—noted the large numbers of forasteros, or Indians who were not seemingly attached to any locality. These migrants, or “wanderers,” offended the bureaucratic sensibilities of the Spanish administration, as they also frustrated their tax and revenue efforts. Ann M. Wightman’s research on these early “undocumentals” in the Cuzco region of Peru reveals much of importance on Andean society and its adaptation and resistance to Spanish cultural and political hegemony. The book thereby informs our understanding of social change in the colonial period. Wightman shows that the dismissal of the forasteros as marginalized rural poor is superficial at best, and through laborious and painstaking archival research she presents a clear picture of the transformation of traditional society as the native populations coped with the disruptions of the conquest—and in doing so, reveals the reciprocal adaptations of the colonial power. Her choice of Cuzco is particularly appropriate, as this was a “heartland” region crucial to both the Incan and Spanish empires. The questions addressed by Wightman are of great concern to current Andean ethnohistory, one of the liveliest areas of such research, and are sure to have an important impact.

In the late nineteenth century, the disintegration of the silver-mining economy that had survived since the colonial period effected fundamental economic and social changes in southern Bolivia. The changes took three forms: increased conflict between peasants and elites, expanded concentration of land into large estates, and worsened labor conditions among the peasants. This study concentrates on the four provinces in the department of Chuquisaca, using them as case studies of how and why rural peoples adapted to and resisted the changes in their lives. Resistance took many forms: strikes, rebellions, insurrections, court challenges, banditry, and flight. In the reactions to change in these provinces, the author sees certain common characteristics that transcend the region and can be discerned in other parts of Latin America. On the basis of the Chuquisaca experience, he also questions the validity of current theories of peasant resistance and rebellion. The author describes the reactions of the oligarchy based in Sucre, the capital, to the decline of silver as Bolivia's major export, showing how they attempted to regain their preeminent financial and political position by a number of strategies, notably the expansion of the hacienda system. This expansion gave rise to different problems in each of the four provinces: in Yamparaez, fierce resistance by the Indian communities to any changes; in Cinti, violent labor disputes brought on by the creation of enormous agro-industrial estates; in Azero, Indian attempts to escape debt peonage by migrating or by joining Franciscan missions; and in Tomina, widespread banditry. The final chapter compares and contrasts the various forms of rural resistance in the context of their social, economic, and cultural foundations.

Taking as a case study the sixteenth-century history of a region of highland central Mexico, this book is about the biological conquest of the New World.

The updated and enhanced third edition of A History of Latin America to 1825 presents a comprehensive narrative survey of Latin American history from the region's first human presence until the majority of Iberian colonies in America emerged as sovereign states c. 1825. This edition features new content on the history of women, gender, Africans in the Iberian colonies, and pre-Columbian peoples Includes more illustrations to aid learning: over 50 figures and photographs, several accompanied by short essays Concentrates on the colonial period and earlier, expanding coverage of the period and incorporating more social and cultural history with the political narrative Part of The Blackwell History of the World Series The goal of this ambitious series is to provide an accessible source of knowledge about the entire human past, for every curious person in every part of the world. It will comprise some two dozen volumes, of which some provide synoptic views of the history of particular regions while others consider the world as a whole during a particular period of time. The volumes are narrative in form, giving balanced attention to social and cultural history (in the broadest sense) as well as to institutional development and political change. Each provides a systematic account of a very large subject, but they are also both imaginative and interpretative. The Series is intended to be accessible to the widest possible readership, and the accessibility of its volumes is matched by the style of presentation and production.

The overthrow of Viceroy Joaqu&ín de la Pezuela on 29 January 1821 has not received much attention from historians, who have viewed it as a simple military uprising. Yet in this careful study of the episode, based on deep archival research, Patricia Marks reveals it to be the culmination of decades of Peruvian opposition to the Bourbon reforms of the late eighteenth century, especially the Reglamento de comercio libre of 1778. It also marked a radical change in political culture brought about by the constitutional upheavals that followed Napolean's invasion of Spain. Although Pezuela's overthrow was organized and carried out by royalists among the merchants and the military, it proved to be an important event in the development of the independence movement as well as a pivotal factor in the failure to establish a stable national state in post-independence Peru. The golpe de estado may thereby be seen as an early manifestation of Latin American praetorianism, in which a sector of the civilian population, unable to prevail politically and unwilling to compromise, pressures army officers to act in order to &"save&" the state.

A fresh perspective on the way the Peruvian government's major 1969 agrarian reforms transformed the social, cultural, and political landscape of the country.