Sobre el libro: La Revolucin Bolivariana es un proceso en marcha y est creando colectivamente y democrticamente, paso a paso, golpe a golpe un nuevo modelo de estado. El estado bolivariano es autntico se fundamenta en la historia, las ideas solidarias de Simn Bolvar y la prioridad de los derechos humanos bsicos de seguridad y subsistencia de todos los venezolanos sin exclusiones. Es revolucionario primero porque incorpora participativamente a un sector mayoritario de la poblacin incluyendo a los pobres y a los militares-- que haban sido histricamente marginados y excluidos de la poltica, la economa y la sociedad. Segundo, porque el nuevo modelo de Seguridad y Subsistencia es lo opuesto a su predecesor histrico: el modelo de Seguridad Nacional o Pacto de Punto Fijo. La Seguridad Nacional fue impuesta desde los Estados Unidos durante la guerra fra a toda su rea de influencia y ha causado estragos: guerras, muertes, torturas y la violacin sistemtica de los derechos humanos en Venezuela, en Latinoamrica y en muchas partes del mundo. Tercero, porque el modelo bolivariano ofrece una respuesta democrtica y solidaria al capitalismo salvaje que propone el neo-liberalismo en la actualidad. Venezuela hoy nos ofrece algo radicalmente diferente, es la posibilidad optimista de una democracia nueva, solidaria, soberana, socialista, moderna, no dogmtica y por qu no, ecolgica.

Sobre el libro: La Revolución Bolivariana es un proceso en marcha y está creando colectivamente y democráticamente, paso a paso, golpe a golpe un nuevo modelo de estado. El estado bolivariano es auténtico se fundamenta en la historia, las ideas solidarias de Simón Bolívar y la prioridad de los derechos humanos básicos de "seguridad y subsistencia" de todos los venezolanos sin exclusiones. Es revolucionario primero porque incorpora participativamente a un sector mayoritario de la población -incluyendo a los pobres y a los militares-- que habían sido históricamente marginados y excluidos de la política, la economía y la sociedad. Segundo, porque el nuevo modelo de "Seguridad y Subsistencia" es lo opuesto a su predecesor histórico: el modelo de "Seguridad Nacional" o "Pacto de Punto Fijo." La "Seguridad Nacional" fue impuesta desde los Estados Unidos durante la guerra fría a toda su área de influencia y ha causado estragos: guerras, muertes, torturas y la violación sistemática de los derechos humanos en Venezuela, en Latinoamérica y en muchas partes del mundo. Tercero, porque el modelo bolivariano ofrece una respuesta democrática y solidaria al capitalismo salvaje que propone el neo-liberalismo en la actualidad. Venezuela hoy nos ofrece algo radicalmente diferente, es "la posibilidad optimista" de una democracia nueva, solidaria, soberana, socialista, moderna, no dogmática y por qué no, ecológica.

The institutional, economic, and social breakdown of Venezuela is not the result of the dismantling of Hugo Chávez's legacy, but rather a result of his policies. It is like a boomerang which, as it returns to the person that throws it, shatters the glass in which the father of the Bolivarian revolution saw himself: from benefactor to the poor to culprit for the great shortages, inflation, and violence which buffets the country, especially its lower class-scarcity of basic goods, long lines at stores, widespread crime... Chavismo was very much of a fraud from the outset: transfer of sovereignty to Cuba, electoral deceit, unprecedented economic corruption, narco-state...

Arguably no political principle has been more central than the separation of powers to the evolution of constitutional governance in Western democracies. In the definitive work on the subject, M. J. C. Vile traces the history of the doctrine from its rise during the English Civil War, through its development in the eighteenth century—when it was indispensable to the founders of the American republic—through subsequent political thought and constitution-making in Britain, France, and the United States. The author concludes with an examination of criticisms of the doctrine by both behavioralists and centralizers—and with "A Model of a Theory of Constitutionalism." The new Liberty Fund second edition includes the entirety of the original 1967 text published by Oxford, a major epilogue entitled "The Separation of Powers and the Administrative State," and a bibliography. M. J. C. Vile is Professor of Politics at the University of Kent at Canterbury and author also of The Structure of American Federalism.

This book examines the process of dismantling the democratic institutions and protections in Venezuela under the Hugo Chávez regime. The actions of the Chávez government have influenced similar processes and undemocratic manoeuvrings in Ecuador, Bolivia, and Honduras. Since the election of Hugo Chávez as president of Venezuela in 1998, a sinister form of nationalistic authoritarianism has arisen at the expense of long-established democratic standards. During the past decade, the 1999 Venezuelan Constitution has been systematically attacked by all branches of the Chávez government, particularly by the Supreme Tribunal of Justice, which has legitimized the Chávez-ordered constitutional violations. The Chávez regime has purposely defrauded the Constitution and severely restricted representative government, all in the name of a supposedly participatory democracy controlled by a popularly supported central government. This volume illustrates how an authoritarian, nondemocratic government has been established in Venezuela.

The idea of finding a 'third way' in politics has been widely discussed over recent months - not only in the UK, but in the US, Continental Europe and Latin America. But what is the third way? Supporters of the notion haven't been able to agree, and critics deny the possibility altogether. Anthony Giddens shows that developing a third way is not only a possibility but a necessity in modern politics.

In 2011, political protests sprang up across the world. In the Middle East, Europe, Latin America, the United States unlikely people sparked or led massive protest campaigns from the Arab Spring to Occupy Wall Street. These protests were made up of educated and precariously employed young people who challenged the legitimacy of their political leaders, exposed a failure of representation, and expressed their dissatisfaction with their place in the aftermath of financial and economic crisis. This book interrogates what impacts--if any--this global protest cycle had on politics and policy and shows the sometimes unintended ways it continues to influence contemporary political dynamics throughout the world. Proposing a new framework of analysis that calls attention to the content and claims of protests, their global connections, and the responsiveness of political institutions to protest demands, this is one of the few books that not only asks how protest movements are formed but also provides an in-depth examination of what protest movements can accomplish. With contributions examining the political consequences of protest, the roles of social media and the internet in protest organization, left- and right-wing movements in the United States, Chile's student movements, the Arab Uprisings, and much more this collection is essential reading for all those interested in the power of protest to shape our world.