La reforma de la Constitución monárquica, bipartidista y antifederal producto de “la Transición” es prácticamente imposible. Sin embargo, cada vez son más numerosas las voces que la solicitan, y de manera perentoria. Pero no se va a reformar. Por la sencilla razón de que la Constitución se hizo para que no pudiera ser reformada, en la medida en que descansa en un principio de igualdad “domesticado”, con la finalidad de asegurar la restauración de la monarquía. Esto se tradujo en una composición y un sistema electoral para las Cortes Generales, que desembocaba en un bipartidismo dinástico en el Congreso al tiempo que cerraba, con la composición del Senado, la puerta al Estado federal. Esa domesticación ha operado de manera razonable aunque decrecientemente satisfactoria durante cuarenta años. Ya no es así. La alternativa es reforma o desintegración y, como asegura el autor, “me temo que la suerte ya está echada”.

The Oxford Handbook of Spanish Politics provides a comprehensive and comparative overview of the Spanish political system through the lens of political science. It aims to move away from a complacent analysis of Spanish democracy and provide a nuanced view of some of its strengths and challenges. The Handbook introduces Spanish politics to an international audience of scholars and practitioners. It is structured around six sections that cover Spain's political history, institutional changes, elections, civil society, policy-making, and foreign affairs. The volume brings together a distinguished group of 47 internationally renowned scholars who study Spain in its own right, or as a case among others in a comparative perspective. The contributors provide expert accounts of contemporary Spain, making the Oxford Handbook of Spanish Politics an invaluable resource for anyone interested in Spanish politics and government since the country's transition to democracy.

Old troubles with remote origins persist in modern Spain, including huge public debts, extensive corruption, widespread unlawfulness, oligarchical politics, territorial splits, and permanent protests and riots. When did Spain screw up? The Spanish Frustration provides an interpretation of several important aspects of present-day Spain and its past stories. It argues that, in the long term, Spain missed the opportunity to become a consolidated modern nation-state because it was entangled in imperial adventures for several centuries when it should have been building a solid domestic basis for further endeavors. In short: a ruinous empire made a weak state, which built an incomplete nation, which sustains a minority democracy.

For centuries, the Spanish state has proved to be an expert system for repressing political dissent and any threat that could jeopardize the maintenance of the status quo. It has done so using all the institutions and all the areas of power that were necessary, for the end has always justified the means. Carles Mundo, Catalan Minister of Justice, 2016-2017. There is no book in Spain that talks about lawfare. Nor is there a book that deals with the system of judicial repression of political dissidence deployed by the Franco regime. Nor is there a book that denounces the judicial system inherited from the dictatorial regime and that was later embodied in the 1978 Constitution. Lawfare (the combination of law and warfare) thus fills a void to the extent that it penetrates the authoritarian judicial system and highlights the democratic deficits of the Spanish judiciary. The politicization of justice began with the appointment, as president of the Constitutional Court, of a prominent member of the Peoples Party (Partido Popular PP) in 2013. Thereon started a process of judicialization of politics via reform of the Organic Law of the Court Constitutional. The referendums of November 9, 2014 and October 1, 2017 entailed the criminalization of the Catalan independence movement and a drastic reduction in fundamental rights linked to the exercise of political choice. This was confirmed by the judgment handed down by the Supreme Court in 2019, culminating in a lawfare strategy that has led to the criminal conviction of two presidents of the Generalitat Artur Mas and Joaquim Torra and the exile of a third president, Carles Puigdemont. Lawfare is the first book to link in a broad way the thinking of German jurists of the Nazi period to the training of judges in Spain both up to and during the Franco regime, and beyond. Published in collaboration with the Department of International History, London School of Economics

This collection takes an interdisciplinary approach to the study of gendered technology, an emerging area of inquiry that draws on a range of fields to explore how technology is designed and used in a way that reinforces or challenges gender norms and inequalities. The volume explores different perspectives on the impact of technology on gender relations through specific cases of translation and interpreting technologies. In particular, the book considers the slow response of legal frameworks in dealing with the rise of language-based technologies, especially machine translation and large language models, and their impacts on individual and collective rights. Part I introduces the study of gendered technologies at this intersection of legal and translation and interpreting research, before moving into case studies of specific technologies. The cases explored in Parts II and III discuss the impact of interpreting and translation technologies on language professionals, language communities, and gender inequalities, while stressing the future needs of gendered technology, particularly machine translation. Taken together, the collection demonstrates the value of a cross-disciplinary approach in better understanding how language technologies can be harnessed to address discrimination and contribute to growing discussions on gender equality and social justice at the intersection of technology and translation. This book will be of interest to scholars in translation and interpreting studies, gender studies, language technologies, and language and the law.

This volume examines the concept of global social policy architectures and its emergence across issues and through time.

This book offers a broad perspective of revolutionary territorial politics by putting secession in the context of other forms of revolutionary territorial politics. This allows for a more complex and profound account of secession and offers the reader a conceptual approach to politics of revolutionary discontent with territorial status quo. Second, the book provides a multidiscoursive approach which combines the efforts of constitutional and comparative constitutional law scholars with international lawyers, EU lawyers and specialists in international relations. This allows for multifaceted and, in that regard, more adequate, balanced and rich analysis of secession and the other forms of revolutionary territorial politics.