भारत विविधता का स्वागत करता है परंतु वहीं तक, जहाँ तक एकता होती हो। हम भारत, पाकिस्तान व बांग्लादेश के लोग पिछले 50 वर्षों के घावों को भरने में एक-दूसरे की मदद करें और गत शताब्दियों के ऐतिहासिक अनुभव के आधार पर हिंदुस्तान में जीवन का नया व प्रसन्‍नतादायक साँचा तैयार करें। दंगों के बारे में इतना शोर-शराबा मचा रहने के बावजूद अधिकांश समय मुसलमान व हिंदू शांति व सद्भाव के साथ रह रहे हैं। भारत व पाकिस्तान की तनातनी के बावजूद इनकी आपसी लड़ाई एक बार में 2 सप्ताह ज्यादा नहीं चली। (ईरान व इराक एक-दूसरे का 8 वर्षों की दीर्घावधि तक खून बहाते रहे।) यहाँ तक कि विभाजन के समय भी हरमंदिर साहब, अमृतसर में सर्वोत्तम गायक मुसलमान थे। जिन लोगों ने नागपुर में रा.स्व. संघ के संस्थापक डॉ. हेडगेवार की समाधि बनाई, वे मुसलमान थे। अपनी सब विविधताओं के बावजूद हम सब हिंदुस्तान प्रायद्वीप के लोग एकजन हैं। यहाँ इस बात के साथ कोई फर्क नहीं पड़ता कि प्रायद्वीप में कितने राज्य हैं। हम शांति और सद्भाव से रह सकते हैं, अतः इसी तरह से रहना चाहिए । —इसी पुस्तक से K.R. Malkani Hindu-Muslim Samvad (Hindi Translation of K.R. Malkani Hindu-Muslim Dialogue) by Sharma, Ed. Mahesh Chandra: This book, likely a Hindi translation of K.R. Malkani's work, may focus on promoting dialogue and understanding between Hindu and Muslim communities in India. Key Aspects of the Book "K.R. Malkani Hindu-Muslim Samvad (Hindi Translation of K.R. Malkani Hindu-Muslim Dialogue)": Interfaith Dialogue: The book may emphasize the importance of dialogue and communication between different religious communities. Harmony and Coexistence: It might highlight the need for peaceful coexistence and mutual respect among Hindus and Muslims. Promoting Unity: "K.R. Malkani Hindu-Muslim Samvad" could aim to foster unity and understanding in a diverse society. Mahesh Chandra Sharma is likely the editor responsible for translating and promoting K.R. Malkani's work on interfaith dialogue.

Pandit Deendayal Upadhyaya was an acolyte of Indian culture. He occupies a place of pride among the Builders of Modern India. He worked for awakening a slumbering society and was always in the forefront of every mass movement.

The representation of the Muslims as threatening to India's body politic is central to the Hindu nationalist project of organizing a political movement and normalizing anti-minority violence. Adopting a critical ethnographic approach, this book identifies the poetics and politics of fear and violence engendered within Hindu nationalism.

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) is a Hindu nationalist volunteer organization. It is also the parent of India's ruling Bharatiya Janata Party. Prime Minister Modi was himself a career RSS office-holder, or pracharak. This book explores how the RSS and its affiliates have benefitted from India's economic development and concurrent social dislocation, with rapid modernization creating a sense of rootlessness, disrupting traditional hierarchies, and attracting many upwardly mobile groups to the organization. India seems more willing than ever to accept the RSS's narrative of Hindu nationalism--one that seeks to assimilate Hindus into a common identity representing true 'Indianness'. Yet the RSS has also come to resemble 'the Congress system', with a socially diverse membership containing a distinct left, right and center. The organization's most significant dilemma is how to reconcile the assault from its far right on cultural issues like cow protection with condemnations of globalization from the left flank. Andersen and Damle offer an essential account of the RSS's rapid rise in recent decades, tracing how it has evolved in response to economic liberalization and assessing its long-term impact on Indian politics and society.

In the twenty-first century, there has been a seismic shift in Indian political, religious and social life. The country’s guiding spirit was formerly a fusion of the anti-caste worldview of B.R. Ambedkar; the inclusive Hinduism of Mahatma Gandhi; and the agnostic secularism of Jawaharlal Nehru. Today, that fusion has given way to Hindutva. This now-dominant version of Hinduism blends the militant nationalism of V.D. Savarkar; the Brahmanical anti-minorityism of M.S. Golwalkar; and the global Islamophobia of India’s ruling regime. It requires deep cultural analysis and historical understanding, as only the sharpest and most profoundly informed historian can provide. For two decades, Tanika Sarkar has forged a path through the alleys and byways of Hindutva. She has trawled through the writing and iconography of its organisations and institutions, including RSS schools and VHP temples. She has visited the offices and homes of Hindutva’s votaries, interviewing men and women who believe fervently in their mission of Hinduising India. And she has contextualised this new ferment on the ground with her formidable archival knowledge of Hindutva’s origins and development over 150 years, from Bankimchandra to the Babri mosque and beyond. This riveting book connects Hindu religious nationalism with the cultural politics of everyday India.