Seminar paper from the year 2019 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Region: Near East, Near Orient, grade: 1,3, , language: English, abstract: The Kashmir conflict arose parallel to the partition of British India in 1947, so it is as old as the Indian Union and Pakistan itself. Both India and Pakistan are claiming the entire sovereignty over the former princely state of Jammu and Kashmir with India having control over approximately 55% of the land area and Pakistan 30%. China, which is controlling a small area of the region, is involved in the conflict as a third party. The conflict, more than 50 years old, not only survived the Cold War, it was the direct and indirect cause for three wars between India and Pakistan, for an arms race that continues to this day and for the transformation of both states into nuclear powers. This regional conflict is unique because Pakistan has already threatened India with the use of nuclear weapons on several occasions - even in the event of a massive conventional attack by India. Over the course of five decades, the conflict has become an integral part of the respective national and, in the case of India, democratic self-image and political consensus. India bases its democratic self-image on the thesis of the one, the secular nation. The state of Jammu and Kashmir is the only one with a Muslim majority and thus formally underpins India's claim to overcoming Hindu-Muslim antagonism.

Seminar paper from the year 2019 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Region: Near East, Near Orient, grade: 1,3, language: English, abstract: The Kashmir conflict arose parallel to the partition of British India in 1947, so it is as old as the Indian Union and Pakistan itself. Both India and Pakistan are claiming the entire sovereignty over the former princely state of Jammu and Kashmir with India having control over approximately 55% of the land area and Pakistan 30%. China, which is controlling a small area of the region, is involved in the conflict as a third party. The conflict, more than 50 years old, not only survived the Cold War, it was the direct and indirect cause for three wars between India and Pakistan, for an arms race that continues to this day and for the transformation of both states into nuclear powers. This regional conflict is unique because Pakistan has already threatened India with the use of nuclear weapons on several occasions - even in the event of a massive conventional attack by India. Over the course of five decades, the conflict has become an integral part of the respective national and, in the case of India, democratic self-image and political consensus. India bases its democratic self-image on the thesis of the one, the secular nation. The state of Jammu and Kashmir is the only one with a Muslim majority and thus formally underpins India's claim to overcoming Hindu-Muslim antagonism.

The seemingly intractable Kashmir dispute and the fate of Kashmiris throughout South Asia and beyond are the twin themes in Snedden's meticulously researched book.

"Why has the valley of Kashmir, famed for its beauty and tranquillity, become a major flashpoint, threatening the stability of a region of great strategic importance and challenging the integrity of the Indian state? This book examines the Kashmir conflict in its historical context, from the period when the valley was an independent kingdom right up to the struggles of the present day. Located on the borders of China, Central Asia and the Sub-Continent, the insurgency in the valley has also created serious tensions between India and Pakistan. Drawing upon research in India and Pakistan, as well as historical sources, this book traces the origins of the state in the 19th century and the controversial "sale" by the British of the predominantly Muslim valley to a Hindu Maharaja in 1846. Through an exploration of the implications for Kashmir of independence in 1947, it gives a critical account of why, for Kashmir, self-determination may seem a more attractive option than affiliation to a larger multi-racial whole."--Bloomsbury Publishing.

In Historical Title, Self-Determination and the Kashmir Question Fozia Nazir Lone offers a critical re-examination of the Kashmir question. Through an interdisciplinary approach and international law perspective, she analyses political practices and the substantive international law on the restoration of historical title and self-determination. The book analytically examines whether Kashmir was a State at any point in history; the effect of the 1947 occupation by India/Pakistan; the international law implications of the constitutional incorporation of this territory and the ongoing human rights violations; whether Kashmiris are entitled to restore their historical title through the exercise of self-determination; and whether the Kashmir question could be resolved with the formation of international strategic alliance to curb danger of spreading terrorism in Kashmir.

The escalating tensions between India and Pakistan have received renewed attention of late. Since their genesis in 1947, the nations of India and Pakistan have been locked in a seemingly endless spiral of hostility over the disputed territory of Kashmir. Ganguly asserts that the two nations remain mired in conflict due to inherent features of their nationalist agendas. Indian nationalist leadership chose to hold on to this Muslim-majority state to prove that minorities could thrive in a plural, secular polity. Pakistani nationalists argued with equal force that they could not part with Kashmir as part of the homeland created for the Muslims of South Asia. Ganguly authoritatively analyzes why hostility persists even after the dissipation of the pristine ideological visions of the two states and discusses their dual path to overt acquisition of nuclear weapons, as well as the current prospects for war and peace in the region.

The Mumbai blasts of 1993, the attack on the Indian Parliament in 2001, Mumbai 26/11—cross-border terrorism has continued unabated. What can India do to motivate Pakistan to do more to prevent such attacks? In the nuclear times that we live in, where a military counter-attack could escalate to destruction beyond imagination, overt warfare is clearly not an option. But since outright peace-making seems similarly infeasible, what combination of coercive pressure and bargaining could lead to peace? The authors provide, for the first time, a comprehensive assessment of the violent and non-violent options available to India for compelling Pakistan to take concrete steps towards curbing terrorism originating in its homeland. They draw on extensive interviews with senior Indian and Pakistani officials, in service and retired, to explore the challenges involved in compellence and to show how non-violent coercion combined with clarity on the economic, social and reputational costs of terrorism can better motivate Pakistan to pacify groups involved in cross-border terrorism. Not War, Not Peace? goes beyond the much discussed theories of nuclear deterrence and counterterrorism strategy to explore a new approach to resolving old conflicts.