Most historical scholarship concerned with the Fronde has investigated the Parlement of Paris. By focusing on the different experience of high court judges in Aix-en-Provence, Sharon Kettering illuminates the causes of resistance to royal authority and offers a new understanding of the role of provincial officials in seventeenth-century revolts. The author shows that political tensions and alignments within the court and provincial capital were as important in causing the revolts at Aix as the judges' relationship with the crown. Describing the liaisons and personalities that gave impetus to resistance, she traces the emergence of an opposition party within the Parlement of Aix after the first revolt in 1630. This party remained sporadically active until its dispersal by the crown in 1659, and it provided the leadership for the serious parlementary Fronde at Aix in January, 1649. Originally published in 1978. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

This lucid and wide-ranging survey is the first study in English to identify a distinctive urban phase in the history of the early modern crowd. Through close analysis of the behaviour of protesters and authorities in more than fifteen seventeenth-century French cities, William Beik explores a full spectrum of urban revolt from spontaneous individual actions to factional conflicts, culminating in the dramatic Ormee movement in Bordeaux. The 'culture of retribution' was a form of popular politics with roots in the religious wars and implications for future democratic movements. Vengeful crowds stoned and pillaged not only intrusive tax collectors but even their own magistrates, whom they viewed as civic traitors. By examining in depth this interaction of crowds and authorities, Professor Beik has provided a central contribution to the study of urban power structures and popular culture.

A bold new study of politics and power in 17th-century France, this book argues that the French Crown extended its control over the provinces and laid the foundations for a centralized state by removing patronage power from the provincial governors and putting it instead in the hands of newly-created provincial power brokers--regional notables who cooperated with the Paris ministers in exchange for their patronage.

In Mazarin: The Crisis of Absolutism in France, Geoffrey Treasure has gathered and focused the most recent research on Mazarin. It will prove the definitive text on this period.

Louis XI, known as "The Spider King" because he wove many intricate plots, lives on in popular imagination primarily as a villain and a cruel, cunning, rather unscrupulous character. Absolutists fled to his banner whilst constitutionalists reviled him as a rapacious totalitarian murderer. In Images of Kingship in Early Modern France, Adrianna Bakos uses the changing nature of Louis XI's historical reputation to explore the intellectual and political climate of early modern France. Using Louis XI's historical reputation as a prism for fresh investigation, Adrianna Bakos offers new, more complex interpretations of the ideological landscape of early modern France. Images of Kingship in Early Modern France is an important contribution to European historiography and to debates on historical versus political interpretations of Kingship.

On the accession of Louis XIII in 1610 following the assassination of his father, the Bourbon dynasty stood on unstable foundations. For all of Henri IV's undoubted achievements, he had left his son a realm that was still prey to the ambitions of an aristocracy that possessed independentmilitary force and was prepared to resort to violence and vendetta in order to defend its interests and honour. To establish his personal authority, Louis XIII was forced to resort to conspiracy and murder, and even then his authority was constantly challenged. Yet a little over a century later, asthe reign of Louis XIV drew to a close, such disobedience was impossible. Instead, a simple royal command expressing the sovereign's disgrace was sufficient to compel the most powerful men and women in the kingdom to submit to imprisonment or internal exile without a trial or an opportunity tojustify their conduct, abandoning their normal lives, leaving families, careers, offices, and possessions behind in obedience to their sovereign.To explain that transformation, this volume examines the development of this new "politics of disgrace", why it emerged, how it was conceptualised, the conventions that governed its use, and reactions to it, not only from the perspective of the monarch and his noble subjects, but also the greatcorporations of the realm and the wider public. Although that new model of disgrace proved remarkably successful, influencing the ideas and actions of the dominant social elites, it was nevertheless contested, and the critique of disgrace connects to the second aim of this work, which is to useshifting attitudes to the practice as a means of investigating the nature of Ancien Regime political culture and some of the dramatic and profound changes it experienced in the years separating Louis XIII's dramatic seizure of power from the French Revolution.

This concise and up-to-date assessment of Richelieu's career provides an enthralling introduction to the character and exercise of his power. Richelieu governed France for 18 years until his death and until the mid-20th century was viewed by Anglo-Saxon historians as cold, clever and ruthless. Recent interpretations have been more favourable and in this incisive study R. J. Knecht uses recent research to reassess Richelieu's career and achievements.