The twentieth century saw the rapid rise of groups of Muslims who use Islam as an ideological weapon for their political ends. This is commonly referred to in scholarly and media writings as Islamism, and its proponents are designated as ‘Islamists’, not Muslims, in order to stress that they are attributing an ideological dimension to Islam. There are many Islam-oriented groups, but, as might be expected, the use of scriptural language is a common characteristic of their rhetoric. For instance, they all use scriptural references as an immutable source of authority in the social, ethical and political spheres. While they do not always share the same strategies and goals, these groups nevertheless resort to the same sources of authority and deploy similar terms of reference. Unlike some Islam oriented parties, the Party of Justice and Development (PJD) in Morocco does not focus on commonly used precepts such as madawiyya (a return to Islamic principles), shumuliyya (a comprehensive application of Islam in all spheres of life) and al da’awa al nidaliyya (a call for struggle to bring about the Islamization of both state and society). Over recent decades, there has been an increasing presence of mass Islam-oriented movements and parties with an important role in national politics. The PJD represents a good regional sample for measuring the impact of different internal politics and political contexts on Islam-oriented political movements and parties' ideological orientations and political communication in Morocco. This book explores the PJD’s political ideologies since its re-emergence under its current name, and investigates the factors which shape its political ideologies. In addition, it examines the party’s political communication, and uncovers its use of communication technology, particularly the Internet, in its political advertising strategies.

This volume serves to make sense of the political, cultural, and social change that has occurred in North Africa since the Arab Spring. It includes a number of contributions which address the issue of democracy and cultural identity. The book points to the fact that North Africa needs a workable paradigm for political order, which answers to the economic, social, and cultural challenges and peculiarities of African society in an increasingly globalizing world. This will require that we eschew a ‘one-size-fits-all’ approach. The book, which targets students, academia, and civil society, argues that North Africa’s solutions must be defined and advised by policies which reflect the cultural realities of the society they are intended to serve.

The Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is known for his populist Islamist ideology, charismatic personality, and for ushering in new forms of communication strategies in Turkey. The key tools in Erdogan's political communication repertoire include religious, cultural and historic symbols and imagery. From engaging Israel to the Gezi Park protests, from the Arab uprisings to the July 2016 coup attempt, every key moment in Turkey's recent history has heralded a change in Erdogan's rhetoric. Communication Strategies in Turkey examines the transformation of political messaging that has taken place within the Justice and Development Party (AKP) under Erdogan. Using quantitative and qualitative analysis of in-depth interviews with high profile AKP officials, observations at AKP rallies and headquarters, and analysis of Erdogan's speeches from 2002 to 2019, the book shows how his method of communication changed over time to prioritise a “New Turkey” to replace Atatürk and his legacy.

This volume provides a multifaceted approach to how meanings of space are created and how they impact individuals’ perceptions, sense of belonging, identity, actions and ideologies. It brings together various contributions that shed light on the multiplicity of voices and narratives on space, on their co-existence and forms of interactions, and on the ways in which they emerged from, and reshaped, relations of power.

This book argues that political Islam (represented by its moderate and militant forms) has failed to govern effectively or successfully due to its inability to reconcile its discursive understanding of Islam, centered on literal justice, with the dominant neo-liberal value of freedom. Consequently, Islamists' polities have largely been abject, often tragic failures in providing a viable collective life and sound governance. This argument is developed theoretically and supported through a set of case studies represented by the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt (under President Muhammad Morsi’s tenure), Hassan Turabi's National Islamic Front in Sudan and The Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS). It is ideal for audiences interested in Regional Politics, Islamic Studies and Middle Eastern Studies.

Political Islam in Tunisia uncovers the secret history of Tunisia's main Islamist movement, Ennahda, from its origins in the 1960s to the present. Banned until the popular uprisings of 2010-11 and the overthrow of Ben Ali's dictatorship, Ennahda has until now been impossible to investigate. This is the first in-depth account of the movement, one of Tunisia's most influential political actors. Drawing on more than four years of field research, over 400 interviews, and access to private archives, Anne Wolf masterfully unveils the evolution of Ennahda's ideological and strategic orientations within changing political contexts and, at times, conflicting ambitions amongst its leading cadres. She also explores the challenges to Ennahda's quest for power from both secularists and Salafis. As the first full history of Ennahda, this book is a major contribution to the literature on Tunisia, Islamist movements, and political Islam in the Arab world. It will be indispensable reading for anyone seeking to understand the forces driving a key player in the country most hopeful of pursuing a democratic trajectory in the wake of the Arab Spring.

Militant Islam provides a sociological framework for understanding the rise and character of recent Islamic militancy. It takes a systematic approach to the phenomenon and includes analysis of cases from around the world, comparisons with militancy in other religions, and their causes and consequences. The sociological concepts and theories examined in the book include those associated with social closure, social movements, nationalism, risk, fear and ‘de-civilising’. These are applied within three main themes; characteristics of militant Islam, multi-layered causes and the consequences of militancy, in particular Western reactions within the ‘war on terror’. Interrelationships between religious and secular behaviour, ‘terrorism’ and ‘counter-terrorism’, popular support and opposition are explored. Through the examination of examples from across Muslim societies and communities, the analysis challenges the popular tendency to concentrate upon ‘al-Qa’ida’ and the Middle East. This book will be of interest to students of Sociology, Political Science and International Relations, in particular those taking courses on Islam, religion, terrorism, political violence and related regional studies.