Topics such as the compatibility of Islam and democracy, and the question of whether democracy can be encouraged in the Middle East are looked at carefully. Contributors evaluate the circumstances under which democracy can be imposed by outside force, and ask what forces are driving the confrontation between the West and Islam, before looking at how this confrontation is likely to develop. --

Graham E. Fuller brings a lifetime of experience in the Muslim world to shed light on how common, even universal, political behavior takes on a distinctively Islamic guise in the Muslim world. By examining the social, economic and political context, he explains that the struggle between the fundamentalists and liberals will determine the future of political Islam. This sweeping survey of trends in the Muslim world, from Morocco to the Philippines, explores the diversity of Islamic political activity and makes clear that Islamic political movements represent a broad spectrum of outlook and behavior. Whether traditional or liberal, these movements have become an important vehicle for the concerns, aspirations and grievances of vast numbers of Muslims worldwide and are a natural outgrowth of Muslim history. Fuller contends that while political Islam is the dominant intellectual current, a focus on radicalism and extremism blinds us from another trend: liberal political Islam. The issues are not what is Islam, but what Muslims want, and not whether Islam will play a central role in politics, but which Islam. As Islam has become the vocabulary for political and social expression, it has come to serve various agendas.

Reordering Iraq is the lynchpin of America's successful involvement in the Middle East. The challenge may be impossible. The Future of Iraq provides a primer on the history and political dynamics of this pivotal state divided by ethnic, religious, and political antagonisms, and provocatively argues that the least discussed future of Iraq might be the best: Managed partition. Anderson and Stansfield incisively analyze the dilemmas of American policy. They suggest that even a significant American presence will not stabilize Iraq because it is an artificial state and its people have never shared a common identity. In addition the legacy of tyrannical rule and the primacy of political violence is eroded social bonds and entrenched tribal allegiances, fallow ground for democracy. They provide the basic information and the provocative analysis crucial to informed debate and decision.

How does the Iraq War affect the future world order? What kinds of problems has this war brought about, and what is needed to remedy these problems, so as to reconstruct an order in Iraq and beyond? The present volume is a collection of essays exploring these issues, written by leading scholars in their respective fields. Importantly, the Iraq War has caused numerous long-term security and economic problems in Iraq (Chapter 1) and in the Middle East (Chapter 2). In addition, this war represents a failure of the Western liberals' project of establishing a liberal market democracy, and these liberals are likely to repeat the same error elsewhere in the future (Chapter 3). Moreover, the war underlines the crisis in global governance today, but the idea of reforming the United Nations has some serious limitations (Chapter 4). With regard to the issue of terrorism, “Al-Qaeda in Iraq” has been operating in the field for some time, and thus Iraq will likely remain an important global center of terrorism in the foreseeable future (Chapter 5).

John L. Esposito is one of America's leading authorities on Islam. Now, in this brilliant portrait of Islam today--and tomorrow--he draws on a lifetime of thought and research to sweep away the negative stereotypes and provide an accurate, richly nuanced, and revelatory account of the fastest growing religion in the world. Here Esposito explores the major questions and issues that face Islam in the 21st century and that will deeply affect global politics. Are Islam and the West locked in a deadly clash of civilizations? Is Islam compatible with democracy and human rights? Will religious fundamentalism block the development of modern societies in the Islamic world? Will Islam overwhelm the Western societies in which so many Muslim immigrants now reside? Will Europe become Eurabia or will the Muslims assimilate? Which Muslim thinkers will be most influential in the years to come? To answer this last question he introduces the reader to a new generation of Muslim thinkers--Tariq Ramadan, Timothy Winter, Mustafa Ceric, Amina Wadud, and others--a diverse collection of Muslim men and women, both the "Martin Luthers" and the "Billy Grahams" of Islam. We meet religious leaders who condemn suicide bombing and who see the killing of unarmed men, women, and children as "worse than murder," who preach toleration and pluralism, who advocate for women's rights. The book often underscores the unexpected similarities between the Islamic world and the West and at times turns the mirror on the US, revealing how we appear to Muslims, all to highlight the crucial point that there is nothing exceptional about the Muslim faith. Recent decades have brought extraordinary changes in the Muslim world, and in addressing all of these issues, Esposito paints a complex picture of Islam in all its diversity--a picture of urgent importance as we face the challenges of the coming century.

From a political, economic and social perspective, what happens in Iraq will have to be closely watched by the countries in the Gulf Region and the broader Middle East. If Iraq becomes a stable, prosperous democracy, it could potentially exert a powerful and positive influence upon the region. However, if Iraq descends into chaos, the consequences would most certainly be disastrous. It is evident that events in Iraq will impact its neighbors. Internal security and stability are the sine qua non of Iraqi reconstruction. It is, however, contended that the need for specialist skills in basic infrastructure services, such as policing and machinery repair, supercede that of military armament. Only, security is a prerequisite to entice foreign capital, as in institutional stability and transparency. Meanwhile, sabotage continues to exacerbate the situation and delay reconstruction. Large oil companies have made it clear that they seek stabilization and a legitimate Iraqi government that has the mandate and longevity to sign long-term agreements. They also seek clarity on Iraqi fiscal plans. With the gradual opening of Iraq's oil industry, companies will be looking to Iraq to allocate funds. Thereby, competition should increase. Accordingly, OPEC will eventually need to revisit their strategy. Sovereignty, legitimacy, authority, accountability, and Iraqi national interests are, thus far, only theories and aspirations. Short term tactical goals differ from long term strategic gains. It remains to be seen which and what will prevail. Of all the unknown, Iraq will presumably remain somewhat divided along sectarian lines. Shiite Islamist parties stand a very good chance of achieving political dominance in Iraq. Then again, the rule of law and civil society institutions may take root, setting a precedent. Thereby, two principal scenarios could unfold in the Gulf region. One may lead to a peaceful environment of cooperation and progress, which would foster a reduction in regional defense expenditures and a greater focus on trade and economic development. Another scenario would be a continued environment of insecurity and tension. This hinges mainly upon the decision whether Iran opts to develop a nuclear weapons program. This would likely draw the Gulf states towards further military mobilization and escalation. In this event, Iraq may eventually build a huge modern army and attempt to acquire a nuclear capability of its own.

The Islamic world has a poor record in terms of modernization and democracy. However, the source of this situation is not religion, but factors including colonialism, international economic and trading systems, and the role of the military, among others. Recognizing these themes allows the consideration of possible remedies for change in the Muslim world. The Islamic world has a poor record in terms of modernization and democracy. However, the source of this situation is not religion—Islam—but rather factors including colonialism, international economic and trading systems, and the role of the military, among others. Recognizing these themes allows the consideration of possible remedies for change in the Muslim world. The distinguished scholars contributing to this volume identify key factors—some intrinsic to the Muslim world, and some external—that contribute to Islam's current predicament. Contrary to much prevailing thought and opinion, Islam is neither monolithic nor impervious to change. It is neither anti-democratic nor inherently anti-modernization. Islam itself, as this book shows, is not the root cause of the malaise of the Islamic world.