First published in 1997, this book explored Russia’s politics at an important phase in the life of the Russian state. Focusing on the different types of cooperative interactings between Russia and the fourteen other republics of the former Doviet Union from mid 1990-late 91. The book brings out the nature of the Russians effort to reconfigure its ties with these republics. At a time when the Soviet empire with an aim to limit the damage to the interests of the Russians. As the author concludes, Russia’s inter-republican cooperation was a carefully thought-out policy to undermine the Gorbachev government’s effort to control centre-periphery relations and manage the uncontrolled break-up of the Soviet Union. Russia signalled, through its cooperative relations with the republics, that it was willing to accept the republics as sovereign and view its own interaction with them as inter-state relations.

Combining the approaches of three fields of scholarship - political science, law and Russian area- tudies - the author explores the foundations and future of the Russian Federation. Russia's political elite have struggled to build an extraordinarily complex federal system, one that incorporates eighty-nine different units and scores of different ethnic groups, which sometimes harbor long histories of resentment against Russian imperial and Soviet legacies. This bookexamines the public debates, official documents and political deals that built Russia's federal house on very unsteady foundations, often out of the ideological, conceptual and physical rubble of the ancien régime. One of the major goals of this book is, where appropriate, to bring together the insights ofcomparative law and comparative politics in the study of the development of Russia's attempts to create - as its constitution states in the very first article - a 'Democratic, federal, rule-of-law state'

This book presents a detailed assessment of the conditions for security relations between Washington and Moscow in the post-cold war era, focusing on the scope for future co-operative management of common security. Three main areas provide the context for a thematically and theoretically varied discussion: the security and foreign policy implications of the transition from the Soviet to a Russian/Commonwealth regime; military power and international stability after the cold war; and the political, military, and technological requirements for a new security relationship.

This electronic version has been made available under a Creative Commons (BY-NC-ND) open access license. Eurasian security governance has received increasing attention since 1989. The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, the institution that best served the security interests of the West in its competition with the Soviet Union, is now relatively ill-equipped resolve the threats emanating from Eurasia to the Atlantic system of security governance. This book investigates the important role played by identity politics in the shaping of the Eurasian security environment. It investigates both the state in post-Soviet Eurasia as the primary site of institutionalisation and the state's concerted international action in the sphere of security. This investigation requires a major caveat: state-centric approaches to security impose analytical costs by obscuring substate and transnational actors and processes. The terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon marked the maturation of what had been described as the 'new terrorism'. Jervis has argued that the western system of security governance produced a security community that was contingent upon five necessary and sufficient conditions. The United States has made an effort to integrate China, Russia into the Atlantic security system via the Partnership for Peace (PfP) programme and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council. The Black Sea Economic Cooperation has become engaged in disseminating security concerns in fields such as environment, energy and economy. If the end of the Cold War left America triumphant, Russia's new geopolitical hand seemed a terrible demotion. Successfully rebalancing the West and building a collaborative system with Russia, China, Europe and America probably requires more wisdom and skill from the world's leaders.

This book examines how the International Monetary Fund engages in the politics of ideas to shape domestic institutional change. Drawing on case studies from post-Soviet Central Asia, André Broome explains that how governments interpret their policy options mediates the IMF's influence over economic reform during periods of crisis and uncertainty.

Energy exports, which are already the primary source of Soviet convertible currency earnings and an important contributor to the budget, could bring in much more revenue if the Soviet Union were to reduce its extremely high levels of energy consumption. To encourage this process, energy prices need to be raised substantially. Under plausible assumptions, it is shown that an increase in prices could yield sizable foreign exchange earnings. Large increases in energy prices could, however, threaten the solvency of industrial enterprises, precipitate major economic and social dislocation, and severely strain interrepublican economic relationships.