In this book, a model of long-term interrelationships between income distribution, population growth and economic development is developed and estimated from data for 54 countries. The results indicate that a reduction of income inequality leads to lower fertility and mortality, to improvedbasic needs satisfaction, and to lower labour force participation of young and old males and of females in Asia and Africa. The effect of income distribution on saving and consumption is found to be negligible. These outcomes suggest that family planning and health policies in LDCs will show better results when they are supplemented with policies aimed at makingthe poor benefit from economic growth. As regards development policy, the results indicate that a reduction of income inequality does not impair the formation of physical capital, but enhances the formation of human capital and lowers the growth rate of the labour force.

Essays exploring the relationship between economic growth and inequality and the implications for policy makers.

This book develops a human capital model to explain transformational growth within different stages of economic development, which will induce technological changes and consequently will require a change in human capital. China is a case study in transition and can provide useful lessons to other emerging economies.

We posit that the relationship between income inequality and economic growth is mediated by the level of equality of opportunity, which we identify with intergenerational mobility. In economies characterized by intergenerational rigidities, an increase in income inequality has persistent effects—for example by hindering human capital accumulation— thereby retarding future growth disproportionately. We use several recently developed internationally comparable measures of intergenerational mobility to confirm that the negative impact of income inequality on growth is higher the lower is intergenerational mobility. Our results suggest that omitting intergenerational mobility leads to misspecification, shedding light on why the empirical literature on income inequality and growth has been so inconclusive.

This paper analyzes the extent of income inequality from a global perspective, its drivers, and what to do about it. The drivers of inequality vary widely amongst countries, with some common drivers being the skill premium associated with technical change and globalization, weakening protection for labor, and lack of financial inclusion in developing countries. We find that increasing the income share of the poor and the middle class actually increases growth while a rising income share of the top 20 percent results in lower growth—that is, when the rich get richer, benefits do not trickle down. This suggests that policies need to be country specific but should focus on raising the income share of the poor, and ensuring there is no hollowing out of the middle class. To tackle inequality, financial inclusion is imperative in emerging and developing countries while in advanced economies, policies should focus on raising human capital and skills and making tax systems more progressive.

A diverse array of factors may influence both earnings and consumption; however, this work primarily focuses on the impact of investments in human capital upon an individual's potential earnings and psychic income. For this study, investments in human capital include such factors as educational level, on-the-job skills training, health care, migration, and consideration of issues regarding regional prices and income. Taking into account varying cultures and political regimes, the research indicates that economic earnings tend to be positively correlated to education and skill level. Additionally, studies indicate an inverse correlation between education and unemployment. Presents a theoretical overview of the types of human capital and the impact of investment in human capital on earnings and rates of return. Then utilizes empirical data and research to analyze the theoretical issues related to investment in human capital, specifically formal education. Considered are such issues as costs and returns of investments, and social and private gains of individuals. The research compares and contrasts these factors based upon both education and skill level. Areas of future research are identified, including further analysis of issues regarding social gains and differing levels of success across different regions and countries. (AKP).

This book asks the following incisive questions. Does the body of scholarship on the term "human capital" constitute a species of the meaning of the term "slavery," and if so, in what way? How has the so-called capabilities approach to human development affected the scholarship of human development, in the context of curbing the catastrophic excesses of market behaviour? How is it that some humans can be domesticated to create human capital for other groups of humans? To what extent can the international legal instruments effectively fight and combat child labour? How have dynastic China and India developed very long-term systems for the creation and maintenance of national human capital among its peoples? Have the state responses to pandemics been medicalized as a device for human capital maintenance, and if so, in what ways? What is the true meaning of the term "fit and proper" as it is imported into development and dissolution of human capital at the professional or "mandarin" levels of societies? Taking these questions together, the book Human Capital and Development asks this question: have national forms of slavery developed from what is now described as the capabilities approach to human development, with human domestication and child labour forming national systems of human capital formation, maintained by medicalization and controlled by judgments by authorities of fitness and propriety? Chapter One contains a complete scholarly survey of the field of human capital, covering legal, sociological, regulatory, and economic facets of the field. Chapter Two is a detailed critical literature review of the field of human development, linking this still nascent field to that of human capital. Chapter Three follows from Chapter One, elaborating on the new and virtually unspoken field of human domestication, as it serves to create human capital. Chapter Four discusses the international law field of child labour and elaborates on the dual effects on human capital and human development of child labour in its current form. Chapter Five is a comparative analysis of how the two ancient societies of China and India had deployed systems lasting beyond archaeological spans of time to maintain their national human capital, by regulating their supplies of water to their vast populations. Chapter Six in many ways follows on from chapter Three on human domestication, as it discusses critically how the epideictic rhetoric of pandemic contagion and control might marshal human capital in the various strata of society. Chapter Seven is a critical analysis of how human capital is formed by imperial legislation in the upper levels of society''s "mandarins," its professional classes, by implementing around the world a common "fit and proper," or integrity, test. The overall research outcomes suggest that human capital is human differentiation, by the masters onto the servants. Human development is a dynamic conjunction of those capabilities of apparently freely maintaining social networks. Those who had abolished the progymnasmata education system had now reinstated some lower levels of its simpler exercises, ensuring continuing human domestication and maintaining a human capital in explicit knowledge. Thus, child labour remains a national-level program for formation of national employee human capital. In dynastic China, emperors had wholly owned the people''s human capital, and both stabilized and assessed it through local customary registries. In India, sacred rivers were themselves entities containing the culture''s externalized symbology. The International Sanitary Conferences confirmed already-developing European national rules into an international order of human capital medicalization, disguised as human development. The public parties to a "fit and proper" assessment are said to be the court and an ellipsis of members of the public, without the public ever actually participating in the assessment. Thus, human capital in a profession is created in a national professional class purely by the authority of differentiation.