The Scottish Government's White Paper must make absolutely clear the details of both its foreign and defence policies. Much of what has been suggested up to now suffers from a conspiracy of optimism. The most explicit pledges made to date include: that the whole cost of security and defence will be no more than £2.5 billion, that personnel in the armed services will total 15,000 full time and 5,000 reserve personnel, and that the defence force will include "current Scottish raised and restored UK regiments". Will we then have a defence force which is army heavy? An army which is infantry heavy? Or will historic regiments be redesignated as platoons, reserves or non-infantry units? If Faslane is to be kept at its existing workforce, how will people be retrained? What costs will be inccurred in the transition to the new Scottish Defence Force? What are the implications for procurement whether or not Scotland gets the assets it wants? Hanging over all of this is the future of Trident. Will a separate Scotland impose unilateral nuclear disarmament on the UK? Furthermore, membership for Scotland of NATO will require not only the unanimous agreement of all the existing NATO members, but also the resolution of any disputes with the UK. The Scottish Government must spell out what wages and conditions it would propose to offer to compensate those who would leave behind participation in world class armed services. The people of Scotland are entitled to expect that those who propose drastic change can explain what the consequences would be.

There will always be those who lose out when a company goes into administration and cannot cover all of its debts. However, the current system does not represent the appropriate balance, since those who have given secure credit to a company are cushioned from the full impact of an insolvency, because the losses are borne by those who work for a company on a self-employed basis, or as contractors or suppliers. Under the current rules it is clearly in the financial interest of a company to break the law, and ignore the statutory redundancy consultation period, if the fine for doing so is less than the cost of continuing to trade, especially since this fine will anyway be paid by the taxpayer. However, while the financial calculation is simple, ignoring the consultation period has a high human cost that appears not to have featured in the decision making process at City Link. Employees were denied a reasonable notice period in which to seek alternative employment and instead, at a time of financial uncertainty, have to pursue a court claim for lack of consultation if they wish to be compensated. While there were differences of opinion as to whether or not City Link could be made viable, and the desired level of return could be achieved, the Committees regret that Better Capital felt its investors' interests could only be protected at the expense of the future of City Link and continued employment for its workers

This is the third report from the Scottish Affairs Committee on blacklisting in the construction industry in Scotland. The earlier interim reports published as 9th report, session 2012-13 (HC 1071, ISBN 9780215056832) and 6th report, session 2013-14 (HC 543, ISBN 9780215069535). The 9th report focused specifically on the work of The Consulting Association (TCA) and considered the issue of compensation for those workers who had been blacklisted. Significant progress has been made in highlighting and addressing issues relating to blacklisting: the Information Commissioner's Office (ICO) has launched its own investigation; many victims of blacklisting are bringing individual case to the High Court and a new compensation scheme, the Construction Workers Compensation Scheme (TCWCS), for blacklisted workers has been launched by eight of the companies that used the services of TCA. The 6th report aimed to identify ways of moving forward, both by addressing the crimes of the past and by identifying rules and structures to prevent such widespread and systematic exclusion of workers from employment from ever happening again. In this third interim report the Committee welcomes the significant progress which has been made in both revealing the practice of blacklisting, and in seeking redress for the victims, and families of the victims, of this odious practice. The Committee will continue to explore what more could be done to redress the crimes of the past and to ensure that reform in the industry to eradicate this practice is genuine, effective and comprehensive in its effects.

In this report the Committee has set out key elements of its work over the 2010-15 Parliament. The Committee believes that it is crucial that select committees follow up their work and do not simply see the publication of a report as the end of the process of scrutiny. Scrutiny should not end with the Dissolution of Parliament. The Scottish Government was clear that the 2014 referendum on independence would be a once generation event, but that does not mean that the relationship between Scotland and the rest of the United Kingdom will remain unchanged. The recommendations of the Smith Agreement will be implemented during the course of the next Parliament. The major package of legislation, and the revised fiscal framework that will accompany it, will require careful and detailed scrutiny, as will any proposals to go further that the Smith Commission envisaged.

This inquiry investigates key issues that affect the daily lives of those people who live in the south of Scotland. The Committee held informal seminars in Galashiels, Peebles and Dumfries, in May and June 2014, in order to identify the key issues facing businesses, communities and individuals in the south of Scotland. Several of the issues raised in the meetings focused on the social and economic needs of the residents of the south of Scotland, many of which related to devolved functions which are the responsibility of the Scottish Government. However, some crucial issues were raised which were a direct consequence of the policies and responsibilities of the UK Government, specifically for example, in relation to employment issues. The inquiry will seek to examine the bigger picture, and to address two central questions: i) Are the current structures working as effectively as they could for the benefit of the people of the south of Scotland? ii) How can the UK and Scottish Governments work together with Local Authorities to deliver appropriate and effective policies to support economic development and growth in the south of Scotland?This document sets out the specific terms of reference for the inquiry, raising questions and issues on which the Committee would welcome written evidence.

The local authority and power company response to the severe weather of 2013 in Kintyre, Arran and Wigtownshire shows that important lessons have been learned and improvements put in place since the Committee last reported on this issue, in August 2012. The Committee is satisfied that all three councils affected by the severe weather have in place robust contingency planning for emergencies, which proved effective. Crucially, the compensation for those left without power - with all the damage that can cause - has been brought into line with the rest of the country. The Committee's conclusion's included that: emergency plans should prioritise accessing mobile phone base stations to restore lost signals; the A83 is a vital artery for the Kintyre peninsula and the decision to upgrade it to a trunk road is an important one, as this will allow the resources of Transport Scotland to be deployed to keep it open during extreme weather conditions; the new Hunterston-Kintyre transmission line will mean there will be two transmission lines serving the Kintyre peninsula, so the failure of one of the lines will not see Kintyre & Arran cut off from the power network; and caring for vulnerable members of the community is another statutory responsibility of local authorities: local authorities have done a great deal of work to expand their databases and identify those who are in need but councils should also do more to support the community groups that are engaging local people in the process of caring for the vulnerable

Zero hours contracts and other forms of casual labour can benefit workers and employers in Scotland but the Scottish Affairs Committee's inquiry has shown that, too often, the relationship is unbalanced, leaving the employer with all of the flexibility and few costs and the worker in fear of dismissal, denied access to due rights of employment and, in some cases, earning less than the minimum wage. The Government recognises that poor practice exists and needs to be addressed but the UK Government's consultation on zero hours contracts was too narrow. The Government must do more to protect workers who wish to challenge unfair, unsafe or unlawful conditions of employment. Workers should be told from the outset of their employment what type of contract they are on and a written contract setting out the terms and conditions must follow within two months. There should be a minimum notice period of work and workers should not be punished for turning down offers of work made within that period. Where workers arrive for work but find none available then the employer should compensate them for the inconvenience. Travel time between appointments should be paid and pay for zero hours workers should accurately reflect the number of hours that are worked to fulfil contracted duties. The recommendations will improve the working conditions of people on zero hours contracts but the Committee's overriding conclusion is that, in the majority of cases, zero hours contracts need not and should not be used at all.