This book provides an anatomy of Hong Kong's 2019-2020 social unrest, which has significantly damaged its economy and image. A coalition of Opposition to the Communist Party of China (CPC) emerged in Hong Kong after the 1989 Tiananmen Square Incident. The Basic Law, Hong Kong's mini-constitution which took effect in 1997, defined 'one country, two systems' in Hong Kong but inadvertently installed an 'opposition politics' system that the city was unfamiliar with. Fresh out of a colonial system, Hong Kong did not have the socio-ecological system to hold politicians accountable for their policies. For more than two decades, the tug of war between the Opposition and all other politicians has been delivering inconsistent public policies raising the costs of living and income disparity while hollowing out job opportunities. As a result, the younger generations have been immensely hurt. Meanwhile, the Opposition Camp has been promoting the blame narrative that the CPC is chipping away at Hong Kong's democracy and freedom. While the narrative's empirical evidence is weak and its linkage to Hong Kong's economic grievances is absent, the Opposition Camp has fallen captive to the narrative in the sense that its legitimacy is now tied to the narrative.For more than twenty years, rallies built on the blame narrative have profoundly influenced the development of people who grew up after 1997. Furthermore, the year-long unrest has socialised many more to adopt the narrative. The younger generations have been hurt by inconsistent public policies, and on top of that, the blame narrative has robbed them of any coherent social identity; and finally, the unrest has further dimmed their future. Hong Kong is now facing the problem of how to reincorporate a significant portion among its younger generations into mainstream society. This book offers in-depth analyses of the journey, identifies government and societal failures, and suggests long- and short-term policy directions.

SCMP's reporting team looks back at Hong Kong's most wrenching political crisis since its return to Chinese rule in 1997. Anti-extradition bill protests that morphed rapidly into a wider anti-government movement in 2019 left no aspect of the city untouched, from its social compact to its body politic to its open economy. The demonstrations which continued well into 2020 have tested every institution of the city, from the civil service to the police to the courts and even its rail transport operator, and from offices and businesses to universities and schools, and from churches to families and even friends.This book is for anyone seeking to understand not just what Hong Kong has gone through but also the global phenomenon of increasingly leaderless protest movements. Fueled by profound angst about the place of millennial youth in society, widening income inequality, and the speed of digital communications, Hong Kong was in retrospect ripe to be the laboratory for a new-age protest movement, nearly a decade after the Middle East's Arab spring.The essays in the book collectively compose a picture of a society in trauma, bent and broken, but showing signs of an uncanny ability to bounce back. What shape it will be in a few years from now, however, is much harder to predict.Related Link(s)

This book shows that Hong Kong’s protests from June to December 2019 originated from not only an attempt to extradite a Hong Kong man involved in a Taiwan murder case, but also China’s effort at extraditing corrupt mainlanders who laundered dirty money in the territory. The mixture of peaceful and violent protests was due to the snowballing effect of protestors-police confrontations, the imbalanced way in which police exercised their power, and protestors’ strategies. The protests triggered the national security concerns of Beijing, which mobilized the People’s Armed Police to Shenzhen as a warning rather than sending them openly to Hong Kong to avoid undermining the image of “one country, two systems.” The entire debate raised the concerns of Washington, Taiwan, and foreign governments, heightening Beijing’s sensitivity. After the bill was withdrawn, the anti-extradition movement has become anti-police and anti-mainland, constantly challenging the legitimacy of the Hong Kong government and Beijing. This is a valuable read for China watchers, political scientists and all those interested in the future of East Asia.

A terrible example of democratic movements: when a fight for democracy is just an excuse for riots and anti-government movements … Hong Kong protest activists have been proactively contacting foreign governments and foreign press, telling them how righteous they are and why their governments are wrong. But why have they not received the majority’s supports from the locals? Award-winning author, Selina Co, is a Hong Kong citizen (dual citizen) and is native in Cantonese (Hong Kong’s spoken language) and fluent in English and Mandarin. Selina has interviewed Hongkongers from all walks of life and translated protest activists’ videos, statistics, local newspapers and verified reports to English, showing protest activists’ misconducts, misleading actions, lies, misbehaviours and how undemocratic protest leaders have been. Sources are presented to you whereas possible so that you can verify them. Most of these have never been presented to foreign governments or foreign press. Being currently in Australia, Selina can speak freely and present facts, without interference by China or by protesters and have no conflict of interests from either side. This book also tells you about its history and problems the people face, from the society before the riots, how the society was like after it returned to China, back to the time when it was a British colony in the 1990s and how it was colonised in 1841. We will also look into accusations against the Hong Kong police in 2019-20 political unrest. We will also discuss different aspects of Hong Kong politics, such as elections of the Chief Executive and members of the legislative council, pro-protest politicians and pro-government politicians, accusations against the governments and self-proclaimed pro-democracy leader Joshua Wong and other protest leaders and why independence would bring more harms than benefits to the people. Perhaps, you will find that this historical ‘democratic movement’ is just a scam … P.S. This book has nothing to do with cybercrime. Selina only happens to be a cybercrime detective, graduated from a top university there. ** This book is written for the best interest of the people. It has no intention to support or oppose Communist China. From the Author The lady in the front cover is the iconic Goddess of Democracy, frequently used in pro-democratic movements in the region, including the 1989 Tiananmen Square incident. Her tears of blood here represent that her values and righteous are distorted and misused. From the Inside Flap After 2047, Hong Kong will follow Communist China, as the Sino-British Joint Declaration will no longer be in effect. Aren't these rioters too young to be policemen? Also, policemen must look at least slightly muscular because they are physically trained. What do you say? This had made multiple headlines in many Hong Kong local newspapers; but for the foreign press, only BBC had briefly reported this instance as a side story, not even mentioned she called her own employer and government 'Re-f***ing' of CH-INA in her oath as per her video

This book examines important social movements in Hong Kong from the perspectives of historical and cultural studies. Conventionally regarded as one of the most politically stable cities in Asia, Hong Kong has yet witnessed many demonstrations and struggles against the colonial and post-colonial governments during the past one hundred years. Many of these movements were brought about in the name of justice and unfolded against the context of global unrest. Focusing on the local developments yet mindful of the international backdrop, this volume explores the imaginaries of law and order that these movements engendered, revealing a complex interplay among evolving notions of justice, governance, law and order and cultural creations throughout the under-explored history of instability in Hong Kong. Underscoring the apparently contrasting discourses on the relationship among the rule of law, law and order and social movements in Hong Kong, the contributors emphasise the need to re-examine the conventional juxtaposition of the law and civil unrest. Readers who have an interest in Asian studies, socio-political studies, legal studies, cultural studies and history would welcome this volume of unique interdisciplinarity.

This book provides a narrative exploration of community art therapy woven from its rich practice roots, theory, the multiple ways that it can be applied in practice, and through practitioner reflections. The applications of community art therapy are numerous, and this book provides knowledge to practitioners, guiding them in their own work and grounding their theoretical approaches. The community approaches presented in the text have been developed through careful research, strategy, and implementation. Community Art Therapy is for the benefit of art therapists, community artists and psychologists, and anyone interested in learning more about the stories of community art therapy.

On the 25th anniversary of the establishment of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China, this book presents the first monographic study of the Hong Kong Basic Law as an economic document. The Basic Law codifies what Gonzalo Villalta Puig and Eric C Ip call free market constitutionalism, the logic of Hong Kong’s economic liberty as the freest market economy in the world. This book, which is the outcome of several years of study with the financial support of the General Research Fund of Hong Kong’s Research Grants Council, evaluates the public choice rationale of the Basic Law and its projection on the Hong Kong economy, with a focus on the policy development of economic liberty both internally and externally. In the academic tradition of James M Buchanan’s constitutional political economy, the book opens with a conceptualisation of free market constitutionalism in Hong Kong. It studies the origins of this concept in the 19th-century classically liberal common law and how it developed into a Hayekian laissez-faire convention under British colonial rule, was codified into the Basic Law and is interpreted and applied by the branches of the Government of the Region. The book closes with remarks on the future of Hong Kong’s free market constitutionalism in face of recent challenges as the year 2047 approaches and the 50 years of ‘unchanged’ capitalist system under the Basic Law pass. This book will appeal to students, scholars and practitioners of law, economics, political science and public administration. It will especially appeal to those with an interest in Hong Kong law, international economic law or comparative constitutional law.