Along with his close comrades Michael Collins and Eamon de Valera, Harry Boland (1887-1922) was probably the most influential Irish revolutionary between 1917 and 1922. His sway extended to almost every aspect of republican activity. Already prominent as a hurler before 1916, he was convicted and imprisoned after an energetic Easter Week. He subsequently became Honorary Secretary of Sinn Fein, T.D. for South Roscommon in the First Dail, President of the Irish Republican Brotherhood's Supreme Council, and a republican envoy in the United States between May 1919 and December 1921. He broke with Collins over the Treaty, but became the chief intermediary between the factions. Early in the Civil War, however, he was killed by National army officers in the Grand Hotel, Skerries. Boland's influence was the product of charm, gregariousness, wit, and ruthlessness. After his rebel father's early death, Boland's mother raised him in a spirit of intransigent hostility to Britain. Yet he was also stylish, cosmopolitan, and humane. His celebrated contest with Collins for the love of Kitty Kiernan is perhaps the most intriguing of all Irish political romances. Attractive yet elusive, his personality helped shape the Irish revolution. David Fitzpatrick's biography draws upon documents in Irish, British, and American archives, including his American diaries and thousands of letters to, from, and about Boland. Extensive use has been made of family papers and de Valera's vast archive on the Irish campaign in America. These and other recently released documents illuminate the inner workings of Irish republicanism, and the critical importance of brotherhood in the revolution. As an old-fashioned republican and advocate of 'physical force', Boland is still venerated as a martyr by revolutionary republicans. Yet, in his conduct, he practised the ambiguities associated with Sinn Fein in today's Northern Ireland. Doctrine was subordinated to the twin quests for republican unity and political supremacy, entailing reiterated compromise, systematic duplicity, and mastery of propagandist techniques. If his outlook seems archaic, his practice was astonishingly modern. Harry Boland was a forerunner for Adams and McGuinness. -- Publisher description.

Non-fiction Biography / history Ireland - War of Independence/Civil War Description: "Sigerson's work, obviously written from the heart, is a valuable contribution to the literature on Michael Collins, and should be available in any self-respecting Irish library. " - TIM PAT COOGAN A startling new perspective on Ireland's most notorious "cold case": the fatal shooting in 1922 of Michael Collins, Commander-in-Chief of newly-independent Ireland. Sigerson's controversial reconstruction of the ambush may be shocking to some: yet demonstrably fits the eyewitness accounts. This is the first re-examination of Collins' mysterious death in decades; carrying on where John Feehan's landmark edition of 1991 left off. It offers the most complete overview of the evidence ever published.

Talking about contemporary Ireland, this work also looks at literary criticism, fiction, history, politics, and art."

Arming the Irish Revolution is an in-depth investigation of the successes and failures of the militant Irish republican efforts to arm themselves. W. H. Kautt’s comprehensive account of Irish Republican Army (IRA) arms acquisition begins with its predecessors—the Irish Volunteers and the National Volunteers—and, counterintuitively, with their rivals, the pro-union Ulster Volunteer Force. After the 1916 Rising, Kautt details the functioning of the Quartermaster General Department of the Irish Volunteer General Headquarters in Dublin and basic arms acquisition in the early days of 1918 to 1919. He then closely examines rebel efforts at weapons and ammunition manufacturing and bombmaking and reveals that the ingenuity and resources poured into manufacturing were never able to become a primary source of weapons and ammunition. As the conflict grew in intensity and expanded, the rebels encountered increasing difficulty in obtaining and maintaining supplies of weapons and ammunition since modern weapons in a protracted conflict used more ammunition than previous generations of weapons and their complexity meant that the weapons could not be clandestinely produced within Ireland. Thus, as the rebels conducted campaigns that became difficult to combat, their greatest limiting factor was that most of their weapons and ammunition had to be imported. Arming the Irish Revolution is the first work of research and analysis to explore in detail the Irish work inside Britain to establish arms centers and to conduct arms operations and trafficking. It also examines the full extent of the overseas or foreign arms trade and the arms operations of the War of Independence, including the continuance into the truce and treaty eras and up to the outbreak of the Civil War (1922–1923)—all of which reveals how the rebel leaders ran complex, maturing, and capable smuggling and manufacturing enterprises worldwide under the noses of the police, customs, intelligence, and the military for years without getting caught. Quite apart from the battlefield these groups and their activities led to political consequences, playing no small part in producing what were real concessions from Lloyd George’s government. In the last chapter Kautt offers observations and conclusions about overall successes and failures that establishes Arming the Irish Revolution as a landmark study of insurgent or revolutionary arms acquisition in both Irish and military history.

The definitive story of Harry Boland, the ardent and prominent Republican, loyal confidant to de Valera and close friend and, later, love rival to Michael Collins for the heart of Kitty Kiernan. This is a detailed and dramatic account of the intricate part played by him in Ireland's struggle towards independence. Covering Boland's role in the 1916 Rising, his involvement with Sinn Féin and work in the 1918 general election, through his time in America during the War of Independence, when he came to national prominence campaigning for American support for Irish freedom, it also details Boland's subsequent return to a broken homeland on the cusp of civil war and his ill-fated attempts to stop the worst from happening. A free Irish Republic meant everything to Harry Boland, and he was to give his all to try to make this reality.

This is a book about Irish nationalism and how Irish nationalists developed their own conception of the Irish race. Bruce Nelson begins with an exploration of the discourse of race--from the nineteenth--century belief that "race is everything" to the more recent argument that there are no races. He focuses on how English observers constructed the "native" and Catholic Irish as uncivilized and savage, and on the racialization of the Irish in the nineteenth century, especially in Britain and the United States, where Irish immigrants were often portrayed in terms that had been applied mainly to enslaved Africans and their descendants. Most of the book focuses on how the Irish created their own identity--in the context of slavery and abolition, empire, and revolution. Since the Irish were a dispersed people, this process unfolded not only in Ireland, but in the United States, Britain, Australia, South Africa, and other countries. Many nationalists were determined to repudiate anything that could interfere with the goal of building a united movement aimed at achieving full independence for Ireland. But others, including men and women who are at the heart of this study, believed that the Irish struggle must create a more inclusive sense of Irish nationhood and stand for freedom everywhere. Nelson pays close attention to this argument within Irish nationalism, and to the ways it resonated with nationalists worldwide, from India to the Caribbean.

After the Rebellion, came the trials. 3,226 men and women were rounded up and brought to Richmond Barracks in Dublin, where they were screened for trial, deportation or release. In the following three weeks of May 1916 nearly 2,000 men and women were deported and interned. 160 prisoners were tried by Field General Courts Martial. These trials were held in camera - no press or public were admitted. None of the prisoners were legally represented or permitted to give sworn evidence in their own defence. Most trials lasted about 20 minutes or less. 90 death sentences were passed and 15 were carried out. This book provides a powerful analysis of an uncomfortable moment in history when the rule of law gave way to political imperatives. The trials and executions took place while the outcome of the Great War hung in the balance. The government judged that publication of the trial records would damage army recruitment and the war effort, so the trial records were suppressed and most were thought to have been destroyed. But since the turn of the century more and more trial records have surfaced, casting dramatic new insights into what took place. This book, the companion to The Trial of Civilians by Military Courts: Ireland 1921, is a fascinating and comprehensive study of the trials which proved to be a pivotal event in Anglo-Irish history.