Europe is at war and does not know it. She is overrun by invaders from the Global South, who seek to replace those who have inhabited her lands for at least the last 30,000 years. She is subject to an American overlord, whose world system dictates her de-Europeanization and globalization. She is mismanaged and betrayed by EU technocrats, corrupt politicians, and plutocratic elites. Without a revolutionary mobilization in her defense, the thousand-year-old civilization that grew out of the medieval Respublica Christiana and that we today associate with 'Europe' - along with the unique genetic heritage of her peoples - will forever cease to exist. Guillaume Faye - doctorate from one of France's most prestigious Ècoles, social philosopher, author of numerous books and articles - is the Cassandra warning Europeans of their approaching extinction, and the need to prepare for the impending Battle of Europe. Michael O'Meara, Ph.D., studied social theory at the Ècoles des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, and modern European history at the University of California. He is the author of New Culture, New Right: Anti-Liberalism in Postmodern Europe (2004).

This book is the first systematic analysis of the efforts of a broad range of contemporary far-right thinkers to popularize their critiques of liberal-democratic norms and institutions and make their ideas the subjects of sustained political and academic debate. The book focuses on outspoken thinkers in western and eastern Europe, Russia, the United States, Canada, and Australia. They include Alain de Benoist, Guillaume Faye, Götz Kubitschek, Pat Buchanan, Fróði Midjord, Jason Jorjani, contributors to the online magazine Quillette, and the elusive personality known as the Bronze Age Pervert. The book explores the diverse intellectual foundations of these thinkers’ positions, the similarities and differences in their ideas, and their prospects for influencing attitudes about democratic politics within their respective countries. It examines diverse movements and schools of thought, including the European New Right, Paleoconservatism, the Alt-right, Identitarianism, White nationalism, and antifeminism. Providing a much-needed global perspective, this book will be of considerable interest to students and scholars of populism, right-wing extremism, identity politics, fascism, racism, and conservatism.

A new millennium has begun: the millennium of great political blocs. Whether it is America against China, Shi'ite Iran against the Sunni world, or Russia against the West, global superpowers are locking horns, seeking to spread or defend their cultures. Amid this clash of titans, today's Europe is disunited. Self-titled 'good Europeans' all too often lay the blame for this on the nation-states, while the latter fight back against the further centralisation of the European Union and block the eurocrats' plans for a continent-wide central government. In A Europe of Nations, Markus Willinger reveals these eurocrats' myopia and lack of creativity. He contends that a European state is neither possible nor desirable in light of Europe's cultural, linguistic and economic diversity. Instead of adopting governance models from abroad, Europeans must discover a form of coexistence as unique as the continent itself. The European Union is, according to Willinger, a failed model that divides rather than unites. It must be dissolved as soon as possible and replaced by a confederation of free nations. In its 32 chapters, Willinger explains how such a Europe might be structured, and how it would function differently than today's Union or a centralized continental state. Yet this book is no dry analysis - every word of each sentence is a passionate testament to Willinger's vision of the real Europe. Willinger doesn't mince words in this no-holds-barred critique of eurocrats and their political failures. Markus Willinger, born in 1992, studied Political Science and History. His widely-praised identitarian political manifesto, Generation Identity, was published by Arktos in 2013, and has subsequently been translated into many languages.

New Culture, New Right is the first English-language study of the identitarian movements presently reshaping the contours of European politics. The study's focus is Alain de Benoist's GRECE (Groupement de Recherche et d'Etude pour la Civilisation Européenne), which Paul Piccone of Telos described as the most interesting group of continental thinkers since the existentialists of the 1950s and which elsewhere is seen as the leading school of contemporary Right-wing thought. Made up of veterans from various nationalist, traditionalist, far Right, and regionalist movements, the GRECE began as an association of French intellectuals committed to restoring the crumbling cultural foundations of European life and identity. Due to the quality of its publications and its philosophically persuasive reformulation of the Right project, it attracted an immediate audience. By the late 1970s it had recruited an impressive array of Continental thinkers to its ranks. In Italy, Germany, Belgium, and a number of other European countries, there have since emerged organizations and publishing concerns either directly linked to the Paris-based GRECE or involved in analogous endeavors. As a result of these diffusions, GRECE-style identitarianism has come to form the chief ideological alternative to the regnant liberalism. The European New Right to which the GRECE gave birth is new, however, not in the modernist sense of being novel, but in the traditionalist sense of reappropriating an origin whose meaningful possibilities remain open for realization. Such a revolutionary return to Europe's roots has never seemed so urgent. After a half century under the liberal-democratic regimes imposed by the United States in 1945, Europeans now face extinction as a race and a culture. In opposition to the ethnocidal forces of the American Occupation and its European collaborators, New Rightists appeal to the primordial in their people's heritage, aiming to awake a spirit of resistance and renaissance in them. The result, as documented in this introduction to their ideas, is one of the most formidable critiques ever made of the liberal project. Michael O'Meara, Ph.D., studied social theory at the Ècoles des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, and modern European history at the University of California. He is the author of Guillaume Faye and the Battle of Europe (2013), also published by Arktos.

The denial of the European peoples' right to their own heritage, history and even their physical homelands has become part of the cultural fundament of the modern West. Mass immigration, selective and vilifying propaganda, and a constant barrage of perverse or, at best, pointless consumer culture all contribute to the transformation of Europe into a non-entity. Her native population consists mostly of atomistic individuals, lacking any semblance of purpose or direction, increasingly victimised by a political system with no interest in the people it governs. There are many views on how this came to be, but the revolt of May 1968 was certainly of singular importance in creating the apolitical, self-destructive situation that postmodern Europe is in today. This book presents the author's take on the ideology of the budding identitarian movement. Willinger presents a crystal-clear image of what has gone wrong, and indicates the direction in which we should look for our solutions. Moving seamlessly between the spheres of radical politics and existential philosophy, Generation Identity explains in a succinct, yet poetic fashion what young Europeans must say - or should say - to the corrupt representatives of the decrepit social structures dominating our continent. This is not a manifesto, it is a declaration of war.

Few names, apart from that of Leo Strauss, are invoked more often when discussing the American response to terrorism in recent years than that of Carl Schmitt. Schmitt, who was part of the German school of political thought known as the 'Conservative Revolution, ' is widely regarded as having been one of the greatest legal minds of the twentieth century. He famously asserted that the most important function of the sovereign of a nation is not the drafting or enforcement of law, but rather his ability to decide when the law should be suspended in an emergency, and likewise his power to declare who the 'friend' and 'enemy' of a community is at any given moment. Alain de Benoist critiques those who claim Schmitt as an inspiration behind the American 'neoconservative' movement that held sway during the administration of President George W. Bush, showing that the politics of the 'war on terror' do not actually reflect Schmitt's ideas, in that American lack of respect for the traditional rules of war, and its determination to portray its enemies as embodiments of absolute evil rather than as representatives of legitimate polities, renders contemporary American politics thoroughly un-Schmittian. Benoist then goes on to analyse recent history from Schmitt's standpoint, showing that the efforts of the United States have been intended to preserve its global hegemony, whereas Schmitt believed that the world was developing into a multipolar one where many powers, rather than a single power, would dominate, a trend which is clearly at work in our time. Benoist demonstrates that Carl Schmitt was therefore a much greater visionary than the American neoconservatives, who failed to understand the geopolitical forces at work today. Alain de Benoist is the leading philosopher behind the European 'New Right' movement (a label which de Benoist himself rejects, perceiving himself to not fit into the usual Left/Right dichotomy), a metapolitical school of thought which he helped to found in France in 1968 with the establishment of GRECE (Research and Study Group for European Civilisation). He continues to write and give lectures and interviews. He lives in Paris. Arktos has previously made available his books The Problem of Democracy and Beyond Human Rights, both published in 2011.

It is November 1918. Germany has just surrendered after four years of the most savage warfare in history. It is teetering on the brink of total social and economic collapse, and the German people now lie at the mercy of new, liberal politicians who despise everything Germany once stood for. The Communists are rioting in the streets, threatening to topple the new government in Weimar and bring about their own revolution. The frontline soldiers are returning from the hell of the war to find an unrecognizable land, the principles and traditions they had sacrificed so much to defend now the stuff of mockery. The narrator of The Outlaws, a 16-year-old military cadet, is too young to have served in the trenches, but feels the sting of this betrayal no less than they. Since Germany's armies have been all but disbanded, he joins the paramilitary Freikorps - groups of veterans who refuse to lay down their arms, and who have pledged to stop the Communists - and begins fighting, first in the streets of Germany's cities, and then in the Baltic states, defending Germany's eastern frontiers from Communist subversion while ignoring the calls to disengage by the meek politicians at home. After months of intense fighting abroad, the Freikorps soldiers return to settle scores with their enemies in Germany, dreaming of a nationalist counter-revolution, and, their trigger fingers still itchy, fix their sights on bringing down the hated new government once and for all... The Outlaws is a chronicle of the experiences of the men who fought in the Freikorps, but it is also an adventure and a war story about an entire generation of soldiers who loved their homeland more than peace and comfort, and who refused to accept defeat at any price. "What we wanted we did not know; but what we knew we did not want. To force a way through the prisoning wall of the world, to march over burning fields, to stamp over ruins and scattered ashes, to dash recklessly through wild forests, over blasted heaths, to push, conquer, eat our way through towards the East, to the white, hot, dark, cold land that stretched between ourselves and Asia - was that what we wanted? I do not know whether that was our desire, but that was what we did. And the search for reasons why was lost in the tumult of continuous fighting." - p. 65 Ernst von Salomon (1902-1972) was one of the writers of the German Conservative Revolution of the 1920s. Like the narrator of The Outlaws, he was a military cadet at the end of the First World War, and joined the Freikorps, participating in many of the events described in the book, including the assassination of Foreign Minister Walther Rathenau, for which he was imprisoned. He went on to write many books and film scripts.