Focuses on Sophocles' dramatization of fundamental political impasses and applies these to the competing political theories of Thomas, Bacon and Locke.

Liberalism, Miguel de Beistegui argues in The Government of Desire, is best described as a technique of government directed towards the self, with desire as its central mechanism. Whether as economic interest, sexual drive, or the basic longing for recognition, desire is accepted as a core component of our modern self-identities, and something we ought to cultivate. But this has not been true in all times and all places. For centuries, as far back as late antiquity and early Christianity, philosophers believed that desire was an impulse that needed to be suppressed in order for the good life, whether personal or collective, ethical or political, to flourish. Though we now take it for granted, desire as a constitutive dimension of human nature and a positive force required a radical transformation, which coincided with the emergence of liberalism. By critically exploring Foucault’s claim that Western civilization is a civilization of desire, de Beistegui crafts a provocative and original genealogy of this shift in thinking. He shows how the relationship between identity, desire, and government has been harnessed and transformed in the modern world, shaping our relations with others and ourselves, and establishing desire as an essential driving force for the constitution of a new and better social order. But is it? The Government of Desire argues that this is precisely what a contemporary politics of resistance must seek to overcome. By questioning the supposed universality of a politics based on recognition and the economic satisfaction of desire, de Beistegui raises the crucial question of how we can manage to be less governed today, and explores contemporary forms of counter-conduct. ?Drawing on a host of thinkers from philosophy, political theory, and psychoanalysis, and concluding with a call for a sovereign and anarchic form of desire, The Government of Desire is a groundbreaking account of our freedom and unfreedom, of what makes us both governed and ungovernable.

What exactly is happening when politicians evoke a center space beyond partisan politics to advance what are unmistakably political arguments? Drawing from an analysis of pivotal speeches surrounding Bill Clinton's 1992 presidential campaign and first term in office, Centrist Rhetoric: The Production of Political Transcendence in the Clinton Presidency takes an extended look at this question by showing how the possibility of political transcendence takes form in the rhetoric of the political center. Faced with a divided and shrinking party, and later with a pitched battle against a resurgent conservative movement, Clinton used the image of a political center, a 'third way' beyond liberal and conservative orthodoxies, to advance his strategic goals, define his adversaries, and overcome key political challenges. As appeals to the center helped Clinton to achieve these advantages in specific cases, however, they also served to define the means, ends, and very essence of democracy in ambiguous and contradictory ways. Touching on controversies from the early 1990s over the future of the Democratic Party, racial identity in American politics, the threat of rightwing extremism, and the role of government, Antonio de Velasco show how centrist rhetoric's call to transcendence weaved together forms of identification and division, insight and blindness, so as to defy the conventional assessments of both Clinton's supporters and his detractors. Centrist Rhetoric thus offers general insight into the workings of political rhetoric, and a specific appreciation of Clinton's attempts to define and adjust to the political exigencies of a critical period in history of the Democratic Party and politics in the United States.

Although Morgenthau, primarily known for his works on international relations such as Politics Among Nations (1948) and In Defense of the National Interest (1951), has been seen as a one-dimensional advocate of pure Realpolitik, Mollov (political science, Bar-Ilan U., Israel) argues that themes of transcendence are very important to his work and seeks to explore those aspects of his political thought that have been influenced by his background as a German Jewish emigre from Nazi Germany. After identifying the Jewish aspect of Morgenthau's work, Mollov uses these elements to attempt to define a Jewish approach to international politics, presumably of primary relevance for the state of Israel. Annotation copyrighted by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR

This volume examines the dynamics of self-transcendence for both individuals and humanity as a whole. In doing so, it illuminates the definitive relationship between self-transcendence and global democracy. Drawing upon a vast literature of philosophy, psychology, and religion, ancient and modern, East and West, this book reveals the power of human futurity in actualizing our higher potential. It represents a real breakthrough in understanding our emerging new era in the evolution of humanity. It describes our transition from personal consciousness to global consciousness. The book includes chapters on the fundamental ideas that animate our self-understanding and define our common humanity. Through careful scholarship, it examines the dynamics of human dignity, freedom, love, community, intrinsic rights, and global ethics. It explores each of these concepts as a dimension of our human temporality as we envision and move into an ever-transcending future, a future that includes a World Parliament and planetary democracy. In our time of apparent hopelessness and despair, this volume reveals the grounds for a powerful hope that we can establish one world civilization of peace, justice, freedom, and sustainability. It makes a truly unique contribution, not found elsewhere in today’s literature, revealing the astonishing dignity and potential of being human. It is essential reading for all those concerned for the future of humanity and our precious planet Earth.