Puritans did not find a life free from tyranny in the new world—they created it there. Massachusetts emerged a republic as they hammered out a vision of popular participation and limited government in church and state, spurred by Plymouth pilgrims. Godly Republicanism underscores how pathbreaking yet rooted in puritanism’s history the project was.

Puritans did not find a life free from tyranny in the New World—they created it there. Massachusetts emerged a republic as they hammered out a vision of popular participation and limited government in church and state, spurred by Plymouth Pilgrims. Godly Republicanism underscores how pathbreaking yet rooted in puritanism’s history the project was. Michael Winship takes us first to England, where he uncovers the roots of the puritans’ republican ideals in the aspirations and struggles of Elizabethan Presbyterians. Faced with the twin tyrannies of Catholicism and the crown, Presbyterians turned to the ancient New Testament churches for guidance. What they discovered there—whether it existed or not—was a republican structure that suggested better models for governing than monarchy. The puritans took their ideals to Massachusetts, but they did not forge their godly republic alone. In this book, for the first time, the separatists’ contentious, creative interaction with the puritans is given its due. Winship looks at the emergence of separatism and puritanism from shared origins in Elizabethan England, considers their split, and narrates the story of their reunion in Massachusetts. Out of the encounter between the separatist Plymouth Pilgrims and the puritans of Massachusetts Bay arose Massachusetts Congregationalism.

Both reason and religion have been acknowledged by scholars to have had a profound impact on the foundation and formation of the American regime. But the significance, pervasiveness, and depth of that impact have also been disputed. While many have approached the American founding period with an interest in the influence of Enlightenment reason or Biblical religion, they have often assumed such influences to be exclusive, irreconcilable, or contradictory. Few scholarly works have sought to study the mutual influence of reason and religion as intertwined strands shaping the American historical and political experience at its founding. The purpose of the chapters in this volume, authored by a distinguished group of scholars in political science, intellectual history, literature, and philosophy, is to examine how this mutual influence was made manifest in the American Founding—especially in the writings, speeches, and thought of critical figures (Thomas Paine, Benjamin Franklin, George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, Alexander Hamilton, Charles Carroll), and in later works by key interpreters of the American Founding (Alexis de Tocqueville and Abraham Lincoln). Taken as a whole, then, this volume does not attempt to explain away the potential opposition between religion and reason in the American mind of the late eighteenth- and early nineteenth- centuries, but instead argues that there is a uniquely American perspective and political thought that emerges from this tension. The chapters gathered here, individually and collectively, seek to illuminate the animating affect of this tension on the political rhetoric, thought, and history of the early American period. By taking seriously and exploring the mutual influence of these two themes in creative tension, rather than seeing them as diametrically opposed or as mutually exclusive, this volume thus reveals how the pervasiveness and resonance of Biblical narratives and religion supported and infused Enlightened political discourse and action at the Founding, thereby articulating the complementarity of reason and religion during this critical period.

In this collection of writings, leading historians of political thought and political theorists provide an overview of traditional and contemporary republicanism. The first part of the book presents studies of ancient and modern versions of republicanism in Athenian and Roman political thought, as well as in Machiavelli and Montesquieu. The second part focuses on some of the key questions that confront contemporary thinkers, such as: * What ought one to expect of a good state and civil society? * What are the conditions for deliberative democracy? * What are the theoretical implications of a republican conception of political liberty? The essays in this volume advance the debate over republicanism, through both a rigorous philosophical investigation of republicanism's main sources and careful analysis of its meaning.

The Prodigal Republican chronicles the historic relationship between blacks, Democrats, and Republicans. It is based on three topics: voting your values, family leadership, and Christian faith, all geared toward strengthening the American family generally and the black family in particular. The Prodigal Republican encourages everyone to return to core values by being self-reliant and realizing that government aid is never a pathway to prosperity; by promoting the sanctity of human life; and by favoring traditional marriage to perpetuate humanity. The Prodigal Republican is a guide to strengthen the family through a common-sense approach by avoiding teen pregnancy before marriage, graduating from high school and university or trade school, considering marriage, and having a work ethic. The Prodigal Republican makes a case for Christians to actively engage in the political process. Christians are called to engage in the political process in order to elect godly leaders and to consequently impact the community with their Judeo-Christian values.

The notion of being freeborn republicans bound the eighteenth-century Dutch together. Yet beneath this general label, many fundamental differences existed. This book explores the varieties of eighteenth-century Dutch republicanism. It thereby significantly contributes to our understanding of a crucial period in the development of Dutch political thought.