In 2010, millions of men, women, and children were killed, raped, displaced, injured, or recruited by force in armed conflicts throughout the world. Whether caught in the crossfire or deliberately targeted, civilians too often suffer disproportionately as a result of conflict. The primary obligation to protect civilians affected by conflict lies with national governments and parties to conflict. However, when these actors are unable or unwilling to fulfill this obligation, the international community, in particular the UN Security Council (UNSC) has a responsibility to recognize the plight of civilians caught up in conflict and to take action to protect them. This paper reviews the impact of armed conflicts on civilians in 2010, and challenges the UNSC to be more informed and consistent in its approach to protecting civilians in armed conflict.

A noted expert provides a detailed, if chilling, examination of one of the most brutal and long-lived insurgent groups in Africa: Joseph Kony's Lord's Resistance Army. Operating in four African nations, the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) routinely engages in human rights violations that include mutilation, murder, mass-scale abductions, and sex trafficking—and it has done so with seeming impunity for more than 20 years. This timely book offers a concise, expert analysis of Joseph Kony's terrorist organization, covering its historical antecedents, membership, operations, and ideology, as well as the ways in which it fits into a broader pattern of insurgencies. To facilitate a full understanding of the threat posed by the LRA, the author exposes the army's many atrocities, among them forced recruitment of child soldiers. Central Africa's ethnic, religious, and political tensions are examined, as is the corruption that feeds LRA operations. Finally, regional security measures, international responses, and issues related to the LRA and the International Criminal Court are examined in full.

This book contains critical analyses of President Barack Obama’s foreign policy instruments toward Africa and suggests how to continue, strengthen, and modify these policy instruments. The examination begins with the theme of policy continuity and change, followed by those on military intervention, competition and perceived threats, crisis management, politics, economic development, and social policy. Each chapter starts with an introduction of the policy instrument, provides an analysis of the instrument, and concludes with suggestions. This book presents the objectives for vibrant and lasting relations between Africa and the United States and the concrete measures to achieve them.

There have been many political dilemmas that impose structural constraints on the effort to legalize, judicialize, and criminalize normatively deviant behavior in international politics. The annual costs of these tribunals has peaked at approximately $400 million, of which $140 million is allocated to the ICC, the latter now having spent $1 billion in its first decade of existence. What has been the track record of these international criminal courts with jurisdiction to try heads of states and leading official and military officers? Has the domestic political will of states increased to prosecute their own leaders, following the ICC’s complimentary jurisdiction? How have powerful states supported these courts and how have they undermined them? In succeeding in punishing a number of high-profile cases, the tribunals arguably constitute what Habermas called communicative action that expresses the aspirations and nascent norms of international society. Beyond the confines of a specific of international cooperation, these courts are increasingly becoming norm entrepreneurs, defining the norms of coexistence among states, such that internal atrocities are seen not only as international crimes, but threats to the stability and order of international society. These courts are also redefining the attributes of what states must practice to preserve their reputations, a breach of which will prove increasingly costly. The tribunals are increasingly incentivizing and mobilizing informational networks from NGOs, IGOs, and states to document and publicize violations of international criminal law, thereby increasing exposure risks of perpetration. To be sure the patchwork of compliance and norm communication is fraught with double standards, hypocrisy, selective enforcement, and neoimperial delegitimation of the subaltern. Still, what has begun as institutions created in the absence of humanitarian action by the powerful may come to constitute normal state attributes similar to sovereignty, whose violation will be seen as not only illegitimate, but also meriting humanitarian action to correct and punish such behavior. The question remains whether ongoing impunity of both the powerful and the powerless will undermine or limit this potential.

"Human rights lawyer Shannon Sedgwick Davis runs the Bridgeway Foundation, whose stated mission is to end mass atrocities around the world. When she spoke to survivors of warlord Joseph Kony's brutal attacks across Central Africa, she knew she would fight to ensure every mother there had the right that she had, to sing their children to sleep at night and trust that they will be safe til morning. When nations had failed to shield families in danger, she'd come to hire a private army to protect them. Millions had been affected by the violence of the Lord's Resistance Army, led by Kony, including tens of thousands of children who had been abducted from their homes, swept into the jungles and forced to become child soldiers, never to be seen again. Guided by her faith and driven by her moral responsibility as an activist, Davis pushed tirelessly for intervention, using every contact she had in Washington, to the highest levels of the State Department--but since it wouldn't serve our national interests, the issue languished. Davis's efforts to report on the conflict and help survivors were valuable--but they were putting band-aids on bulletholes. Davis realized that to truly stand by Bridgeway's mission, they would have to become the ones they were waiting for. Davis knew she had to act, but this was uncharted territory and she feared that hiring a private army to stop the LRA might lead to more chaos. The decision weighed heavily on her heart, but when she spoke to her mentor Archbishop Desmond Tutu, he took her hand, and told her to put her fears to rest"--

Freedom in the World, the Freedom House flagship survey whose findings have been published annually since 1972, is the standard-setting comparative assessment of global political rights and civil liberties. The survey ratings and narrative reports on 194 countries and 14 territories are used by policymakers, the media, international corporations, civic activists, and human rights defenders to monitor trends in democracy and track improvements and setbacks in freedom worldwide. The Freedom in the World political rights and civil liberties ratings are determined through a multi-layered process of research and evaluation by a team of regional analysts and eminent scholars. The analysts used a broad range of sources of information, including foreign and domestic news reports, academic studies, nongovernmental organizations, think tanks, individual professional contacts, and visits to the region, in conducting their research. The methodology of the survey is derived in large measure from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and these standards are applied to all countries and territories, irrespective of geographical location, ethnic or religious composition, or level of economic development.