A Theory of De Facto States offers a new perspective on the phenomenon of de facto states — political communities that manifest forms of statehood in international politics but lack international legal recognition — zooming in on two prominent examples, Somaliland and Kosovo. Employing a thorough understanding of classical realist theories of international relations, this book provides a fresh critique of the common ways in which existing research tends to identify the ostensible state features of these communities. In contrast to the prevalent portrayals of such features in terms of international legal, discursive, and/or everyday logics, this book argues that de facto states can be most fundamentally characterised as exceptional polities in international relations. Showcasing how the statehood and sovereignty of de facto states is based in international political crises, this book concludes that these entities function as recurring disruptions of any supposed international political order. A Theory of De Facto States will therefore be of interest to researchers of secession, de facto statehood, and International Relations theory alike.

This book explains the dynamics and nature of Iraqi Kurdistan’s de facto statehood since its inception in 1991, in particular the vicissitudes de facto independence since then. The work examines de facto statehood in Kurdistan, and uncovers the dynamics of de facto statehood in Kurdistan at internal, national and international levels. Kurdistan’s de facto statehood is shown to be inherently characterised by fluidity. In this book, fluidity is defined as a highly unstable feature of de facto statehood in the relational context of non-recognition. The book includes interviews with a number of high-profile politicians and policy makers from the region. These provide unique insights into such issues as the four main factors at play in the fluidity of the de facto state of Kurdistan: the balance of power between Erbil and Baghdad; the level and form of internal fragmentation; the change of strategies to gain international recognition; and the uncertain and fluctuating external support. This book will be of much interest to students of statehood studies, Middle Eastern politics, and International Relations.

The American invasion of Iraq has been a success - for the Kurds. Kurdistan is an invisible nation, and the Kurds the largest ethnic group on Earth without a homeland, comprising some 25 million moderate Sunni Muslims living in the area around the borders of Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria. Through a history dating back to biblical times, they have endured persecution and betrayal, surviving only through stubborn compromise with greater powers. They have always desired their own state, and now, accidentally, the United States may have helped them take a huge step toward that goal. As Quil Lawrence relates in his fascinating and timely study of the Iraqi Kurds, while their ambition and determination grow apace, their future will be largely dependent on whether America values a budding democracy in the region, or decides to yet again sacrifice the Kurds in the name of political expediency. Either way, the Kurdish north may well prove to be the defining battleground in Iraq, as the country struggles to hold itself together. At this extraordinary moment in the saga of Kurdistan, informed by his deep knowledge of the people and region, Lawrence's intimate and unflinching portrait of the Kurds and their heretofore quixotic quest offers a vital and original lens through which to contemplate the future of Iraq and the surrounding Middle East.

This is the first book to examine and compare how rebels govern civilians during civil wars in Latin America, Africa, Asia, and Europe. Drawing from a variety of disciplinary traditions, including political science, sociology, and anthropology, the book provides in-depth case studies of specific conflicts as well as comparative studies of multiple conflicts. Among other themes, the book examines why and how some rebels establish both structures and practices of rule, the role of ideology, cultural, and material factors affecting rebel governance strategies, the impact of governance on the rebel/civilian relationship, civilian responses to rebel rule, the comparison between modes of state and non-state governance to rebel attempts to establish political order, the political economy of rebel governance, and the decline and demise of rebel governance attempts.

Using innovative methods to analyze both advanced democracies and developing countries, Jason Sorens shows how central governments can alleviate or increase ethnic minority demands for regional autonomy. He argues that when countries treat secession as negotiable and provide legal paths to pursuing it rather than absolutely prohibiting independence, violence is far less likely. Additionally, independence movements encourage government policies of decentralization that may be beneficial to regional minorities. An informative investigation of the root causes of political violence, Secessionism provides a clear-eyed look at independence movements for both governments and secessionists.

Originally published in 1998, International Society and the De Facto Society explores the phenomenon of de facto statehood in contemporary international relations. The de facto state is almost the inverse of what Robert Jackson has termed the ‘quasi-state’. The quasi-state has an ambassador, a flag, and a seat at the United Nations, but it does not function positively as a viable governing entity. Its limitations though, do not detract from sovereign legitimacy. The de facto state, on the other hand, lacks legitimacy yet effectively controls a given territorial area and provides governmental services to a specific population. The book engages in a birth, life, and death or evolution examination of the de facto state.

Secession in International Law argues that the effective development of criteria on secession is a necessity in today’s world, because secessionist struggles can be analyzed through the legal lens only if we have specific legal rules to apply. Without legal rules, secessionist struggles are dominated by politics and sui generis approaches, which validate secessionist attempts based on geo-politics and regional states’ self-interest, as opposed to the law. By using a truly comparative approach, Milena Sterio has developed a normative international law framework on secession, which focuses on several factors to assess the legitimacy of a separatist quest.