National Syndicalist author H. R. Morgan has put together an invaluable reference work for the student of Corporate Syndicalism, Fascism, and social activism. Within the pages of this volume will be found a collection of many documents that are difficult to locate as well as many new translations of texts formerly available only in the original languages. Here is a collection of important and essential statements made by the original Fascists and Corporate Syndicalists as well as National Synarchists, Integralists, Peronistas, Falangists and many others. Much of the book has been translated from the original Portuguese, French, Spanish, Italian and Dutch. Morgan's wealth of subjectively acquired familiarity with Fascist ideology has made him an ideal interpreter of the translated texts as well as an adequate expositor of the doctrines which have originally been published in the English language. Some of the more valuable portions included are lengthy writings of such men as Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera, Jose Antonio Urquiza, Juan Peron, Benjamin Noyles, Lawrence Dennis, Oswald Mosley, Ziotio Garibaldi, Plinio Salgado, Gustavo Barroso, and many others. Also included are some hard to find and to translate manifestos from many countries. Some of these are from National Syndicalist Party-USA, American Fascist Movement, National Syndical American Falangist Party, National Synarchist Union of Mexico, National Integralist Movement of Brazil, Integralist Party of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, The Falangist Patriotic Movement of Uruguay, National Syndicalist Revolutionary Movement of Chile, The Futurist Manifesto, and others. H. R. Morgan's commentaries and introductories throughout serve as an excellent guide through the many pages of intense and sometimes angry political thought. This is a book you will return to time and again. This is a book that belongs on your shelf.

What this all adds up to is the re-establishment of freedom. Freedom to be ourselves; to have the right to our feelings; to have the right to our own thoughts; to have the right to free speech whatever it is that we have to say and to say it whenever and wherever we find ourselves. To have the right to see the truth in all things as we are able to perceive it. To deliberately recognize the reality that surrounds us as we engage in the continual struggle for genuineness. Keeping it real is good for all people; without this faculty fantasy and prevarication takes over. Our culture is our social environment. We need to have the power and the will to protect it. It is the womb of our civilization. Our innately personal ideals as well as our interpersonal social norms, mores, and colloquialisations our national integrity is being cancelled out by the corrupt regime in Congress and the Federal courts. We all have the right to live within the society and culture we were born into at the very least; the right to our own individuality, to our own opinions and to express our love of who and what we are. Unfortunately, the current phase that the Federal government has lapsed into is one of denying all of these rights to the degree that the Bill of Rights is superseded. Citizenship has become superfluous. It is time to get radical. It is past time for citizens to revolt. Otherwise this will soon become no different than any other oppressed country with the federal tyranny of the D. C. Treason Regime. HRM

What this all adds up to is the reestablishment of "freedom"- freedom to be ourselves, to have the right to our feelings, to have the right to our own thoughts, to have the right to free speech on whatever it is that we have to say and to say it whenever and wherever we find ourselves, to have the right to see the truth in all things as we are able to perceive it, and to deliberately recognize the reality that surrounds us as we engage in the continual struggle for genuineness. "Keeping it real" is good for all people without this faculty, fantasy, and prevarication takeover. Our culture is our social environment. We need to have the power and the will to protect it. It is the womb of our civilization. Our innately personal ideals as well as our interpersonal social norms, mores, and colloquialism-our national integrity is being cancelled out by the corrupt regime in Congress and the federal courts. We all have the right to live within the society and culture we were born into at the very least-the right to our own individuality, to our own opinions, and to express our love of who and what we are. Unfortunately, the current phase that the federal government has lapsed into is one of denying all of these rights to the degree that the Bill of Rights is superseded. Citizenship has become superfluous. It is time to get radical. It is past time for citizens to revolt. Otherwise, this will soon become no different than any other oppressed country with the federal tyranny of the D. C. Treason Regime.

This encyclopedia provides an authoritative guide intended for students of all levels of studies, offering multidisciplinary insight and analysis of over 500 headwords covering the main concepts of Security and Non-traditional Security, and their relation to other scholarly fields and aspects of real-world issues in the contemporary geopolitical world.

After years of research, American syndicalist author H. R. Morgan presents a collection of the key statements made by the early Fascist leaders and their best thinkers. Included are criticisms of and solutions to all of the problems troubling the world today. Both the causes of global misery and the reasons for their having happened are plainly mentioned. The solutions are simply stated and strait forward. If you want to know why things today are the way they are, read this book. Contained within its pages is a sweeping panorama of pertinent statements made by those 'realists' of the twentieth century, that is actually, from the 1880's on up to today. "Fascism is not racism," says Morgan, "Fascism is realism." It is a doctrine of realistic social and economic policies for todays world. It is neither 'right-wing' or 'left-wing'; it is the extreme radical center. It is "thinking outside of the box" as they say. The book begins with a very informative introduction containing a large amount of historical background. It is, however, preceded with a preface of equally historical and semi biographical importance. Afterward is the main text called the 'Codex'. The 'Codex' is a long anthology of excerpts, quotes, paraphrases, citations and commentary. The book ends with a final word by Morgan. Also included is a complete bibleography and index. It is recommended for first or second year political science majors and for all those who are interested in the true meaning of Fascism for our time, rather than what they've seen and heard on television and in the mass media.

Giovanni Gentile (1875-1944) was the major theorist of Italian fascism, supplying its justifi cation and rationale as a developmental form of dictatorship for status-deprived nations languishing on the margins of the Great Powers. Gentile's "actualism" (as his philosophy came to be called) absorbed many intellectual currents of the early twentieth century, including nationalism, syndicalism, and futurism. He called the individual to an idealistic ethic of obedience, work, self-sacrifi ce, and national community in a dynamic rebellion against the perceived impostures of imperialism. This volume makes available some of his more signifi cant writings produced shortly before and after the Fascist accession to power in Italy.

This book evaluates the current and future state of fascism studies, reflecting on the first hundred years of fascism and looking ahead to a new era in which fascism studies increasingly faces fresh questions concerning its relevance and the potential reappearance of fascism. This wide-ranging work celebrates Roger Griffin’s contributions to fascism studies – in conceptual and definitional terms, but also in advancing our understanding of fascism – which have informed related research in a number of fields and directions since the 1990s. Bringing together three ‘generations’ of fascism scholars, the book offers a combination of broad conceptual essays and contributions focusing on particular themes and facets of fascism. The book features chapters, which, although diverse in their approaches, explore Griffin’s work while also engaging critically with other schools of thought. As such, it identifies new avenues of research in fascism studies, placing Griffin’s work within the context of new and emerging voices in the field.