This title was first published in 2003. This work provides a clearer understanding of the EU's approach towards security in the Mediterranean. After examining the EU's interests and the potential threats to security in the region, it analyzes EU security policy towards the region as a whole, through the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, and towards all disputes and conflicts in the area. It recommends opening up the European Security and Defence Policy to Mediterranean participation, in order to establish a deep and equitable security partnership between both shores. The book argues that this way the EU could implement its innovative comprehensive and co-operative approach to security. Rather than focusing on the military aspect alone, this approach takes into account all dimensions of security (political, socio-economic, cultural and ecological) and is based on partnership rather than confrontation. It therefore contrasts quite sharply with the policies advocated in the US National Security Strategy.

Established in 1995, the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership aims to create a free trade area including 30 countries and 800 million people by early in the 21st century. This book offers an assessment of the Partnership and its aims.

Del Sarto argues that internal disputes over national identity limit the ability of states to participate in regional forums. This is a close look at problems faced in negotiating the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) as a regional security project, with particular attention to case studies of Israel, Egypt and Morocco.

Although most Arab countries have endorsed the European Union's proposal for an Euro-Mediterranean Partnership in principle, they also harbor serious reservations about its conceptual and security aspects and its future impact on their economies and on the peace process in the Middle East. The main concern is that the Euro-Mediterranean Free Trade Zone and its related rules of socio-economic conduct would expose fragile Arab industries to strong external competition and destroy indigenous enterprise. As long as the EU continues to follow a one-sided approach, with differential treatment for Israeli and Arab partners, the Arabs will continue to be ambivalent partners in the Barcelona process. This is evident from the cases of Tunisia and Morocco, which have signed partnership agreements with the EU but are now expressing serious doubts about the viability of the process. Further, the EU's concept of politico-security cooperation is geared toward conflict prevention, crisis management, and the introduction of CBMs, rather than on conflict resolution and the establishment of a balanced strategic system in the Mediterranean. The EU's responses to these Arab perceptions and misgivings will decide the future success of the EMP. It may be concluded that if the EU persists in its self-centered approach to Euro-Mediterranean cooperation, the EMP project is unlikely to materialize. This is particularly applicable to the economic partnership, which must be based on technology transfer and infrastructure support rather than trade liberalization, and to the security partnership, which should focus on conflict resolution and strategic balance rather than on maintaining the status quo.

What are the prospects for the future of the Euro-Mediterranean area and what relevant role can the EMP play in this future? This book focuses on international relations in the Mediterranean area with a particular examination of patterns of politics, security and socio-economic relations.