How does economic mobility over the individual life course shape population-level trends in economic inequality, and, in turn, how does this inequality influence individuals' economic mobility prospects? Historically, allowing opportunities for economic mobility has been seen as an American alternative to equalizing incomes. However, after decades of rising inequality across the population and persistent disparity between racial groups, many academics and policymakers have come to question how neatly we can separate the two.

Proceedings of the Conference on Inequality in Memory of Gary Becker held September 25-26, 2014 at the Hoover Institution.

Drawing from a 2014 Hoover Institution Conference on Inequality in honor of Gary Becker, a group of distinguished contributors explore various measures of inequality in America and address the issue of whether or not it is increasing. In looking at this question and examining policy implications, the authors draw on research on human capital and intergenerational mobility. The authors suggest that the emphasis on inequality and redistribution, while not wrong, is nevertheless misplaced, for it may lead us to adopt policies that will disrupt the progress we have made while doing nothing to promote the kind of growth that is essential to national progress.

This dissertation examines the economic, demographic, and social dynamics of income inequality in the United States. Income inequality is high, and rising, in the United States. Given that income inequality is associated with adverse societal outcomes, it is important to understand the causes and consequences of income inequality. The first chapter examines the effects of manufacturing employment on inequality in U.S. counties, and builds on prior research by disaggregating this sector into the durable and non-durable subsectors. I find that the effects of each subsector vary over time (1990 to 2016) and by county rural-urban status. The protective effects of both durable and nondurable manufacturing have weakened over time in both rural and urban counties, but disproportionately so in urban counties. By the end of the study period, the protective effect of both subsectors was only detected in rural counties. The second chapter examines the effects of population aging on income inequality in U.S. commuting zones and examines whether these effects vary between the mechanisms of aging: aging-in-place and retirement migration. Income inequality is measured as change in the overall level of income inequality and as the shifting shape of the income distribution from 2000 to 2010. I find evidence that population aging's effect on income inequality varies by the aging mechanism. Population aging in the context of aging-in-place decreases income shares in the middle of the distribution. Population aging in the context of retirement migration increases the overall level of income inequality, decreases income shares at the bottom of the distribution, and increases income shares at the top of the distribution. The third chapter examines whether and how people living and working in a high-inequality context perceive the economic and social dynamics of income inequality. Using a case study approach, this chapter uses interview data from 12 study participants to understand the perceptions, causes, and consequences of income inequality in Hancock County, Maine. The findings indicate that participants accurately perceive that income inequality is high, and increasing, in Hancock County. Participants discussed the community's status as a New England summer colony and major tourist destination, which concentrates employment growth in the lower-wage and seasonal service industry. Participants also expressed concern that the housing affordability crisis and the AirBnB economy have hollowed out the sense of community among working- and family-aged residents with lower to moderate incomes. These three papers provide unique insight into the economic, demographic, and social dynamics of income inequality. Their distinctive contributions include analysis of the underlying components of two major economic and demographic processes in the United States (deindustrialization and population aging), as well as qualitative insight into the social dynamics of income inequality in a high-inequality context.

Adapted in part from the "Opportunity in America" series of policy briefs, this volume focuses on social and economic mobility in the United States. Class or family background has a strong effect on individual success, the authors find. They examine the possible reasons for this relationship; how it has changed over the past century; and the role of the economy, the welfare system, and education in opening up opportunities for the less fortunate.

This dissertation explores intergenerational mobility and inequality in the early twentieth century. The first chapter asks whether economic downturns increase or decrease mobility. I estimate the effect of the Great Depression on mobility, linking a sample of fathers before the Depression to their sons in 1940. I find that the Great Depression lowered intergenerational mobility for sons growing up in cities hit by large downturns. The effects are driven by differential, selective migration: the sons of richer fathers are able to move to better destinations. The second chapter compares historic rates of intergenerational mobility to today. Based on a sample matched from the Iowa 1915 State Census to the 1940 Federal Census, I argue that there was more mobility in the early twentieth century than is found in contemporary data, whether measured using intergenerational elasticities, rank-rank correlations, educational persistence, or occupational status measures. In the third chapter, I detail the machine learning method used to create the linked census samples used in chapters 1 and 2. I use a supervised learning approach to record linkage, training a matching algorithm on hand-linked historical data which is able to efficiently and accurately find links in noisy in historical data.