Its journey to independence, etched in the annals of the 20th century, reflects the aspirations of a people who dared to dream of sovereignty and freedom. This exploration begins by tracing the roots of Eritrea's identity, delving into the historical echoes that resonated with calls for...

Together, we will uncover the stories of brave individuals who dare to speak out, artists who use their creativity to resist, and advocates who tirelessly work to bring attention to Eritrea's plight. From silenced voices to lost dreams, we will examine the profound impact of censorship, repression, and the suppression of human rights on Eritreans both within the country's borders and beyond. Together, we will uncover the stories of brave individuals who dare to speak out, artists who use their creativity to resist, and advocates who tirelessly work to bring attention to Eritrea's plight. From silenced voices to lost dreams, we will examine the profound impact of censorship, repression, and the suppression of human rights on Eritreans both within the country's borders and beyond.

This book is a comprehensive analysis of the country's political history over the past three decades.

Eritrea is a northeast African country shares its borders with Sudan to the west, Ethiopia to the south, and Djibouti to the southeast. It also has a coastline along the Red Sea. The country has a population of over 5 million and its capital is Asmara. The official language of Eritrea is Tigrinya, but Arabic and English are also widely spoken. The country is known for its history of colonization and struggle for independence, as well as its diverse ethnic groups and unique culture. Eritrea has a developing economy, with agriculture and mining being the main sectors. Its government is a presidential republic with a single-party system. Eritrea has a long and complex history, with colonization beginning with Italy in the late 1800s. The country was later occupied by Britain after World War II and then annexed by Ethiopia in 1962. Eritrea gained its independence in 1993 after a 30-year war for independence from Ethiopia. Since then, the country has faced various challenges, including ongoing border disputes with Ethiopia and criticism for its lack of political freedoms and human rights abuses. However, the country has also made progress in areas such as healthcare and education. Despite economic and political challenges, Eritrea remains a resilient and culturally diverse nation.

The most secretive, repressive state in Africa is hemorrhaging its citizens. In some months as many Eritreans as Syrians arrive on European shores, yet the country is not convulsed by civil war. Young men and women risk all to escape. Many do not survive - their bones littering the Sahara; their bodies floating in the Mediterranean. Still they flee, to avoid permanent military service and a future without hope. As the United Nations reported: 'Thousands of conscripts are subjected to forced labor that effectively abuses, exploits and enslaves them for years.' Eritreans fought for their freedom from Ethiopia for thirty years, only to have their revered leader turn on his own people. Independent since 1993, the country has no constitution and no parliament. No budget has ever been published. Elections have never been held and opponents languish in jail. International organizations find it next to impossible to work in the country. Nor is it just a domestic issue. By supporting armed insurrection in neighboring states it has destabilized the Horn of Africa. Eritrea is involved in the Yemeni civil war, while the regime backs rebel movements in Somalia, Ethiopia and Djibouti. This book tells the untold story of how this tiny nation became a world pariah.

Volume two in Bereket Habte Selassie's memoir continues where The Crown and the Pen (Africa World Press - also available from Turnaround) left off. Through historical and political analyses, Selassie lays bare the hidden - and not so hidden - elements that led to Eritrea's descent from a stellar model of democracy to a tragic abyss of dictatorship and isolation. Combined with the first volume, Wounded Nation is a must-read for anyone interested in the history and politics of Eritrea and the Horn of Africa.

Though often associated with foreigners and refugees, many Somalis have lived in Kenya for generations, in many cases since long before the founding of the country. Despite their long residency, foreign and state officials and Kenyan citizens often perceive the Somali population to be a dangerous and alien presence in the country, and charges of civil and human rights abuses have mounted against them in recent years. In We Do Not Have Borders, Keren Weitzberg examines the historical factors that led to this state of affairs. In the process, she challenges many of the most fundamental analytical categories, such as “tribe,” “race,” and “nation,” that have traditionally shaped African historiography. Her interest in the ways in which Somali representations of the past and the present inform one another places her research at the intersection of the disciplines of history, political science, and anthropology. Given tragic events in Kenya and the controversy surrounding al-Shabaab, We Do Not Have Borders has enormous historical and contemporary significance, and provides unique inroads into debates over globalization, African sovereignty, the resurgence of religion, and the multiple meanings of being African.