The book is a synthesis of the ancient Bharatiya texts, with the latest scientific findings for their authenticity, historicity, and relevance to the modern perspective. The ancient Bharatiya texts were burnt by external invaders, and the retrieved texts were misinterpreted as mythological gossips in the English versions . Bharat was said to be in the “Dark Age” before the entry of the Britishers. The book in 14 chapters clarifies the misgivings and proves the Bharatiya civilization over 20,000 years old on the basis of modern research references, and latest archaeological findings. Computer simulation of celestial configuration proves Ramayan 7000years old historical account of Ram and Mahabharat over 5000 years old historical event . In the background of largescale bloodshed and global warming despite all efforts of the UNO, a need of Spiritual Weapon - Truth and Nonviolence promoted by Mahatma Gandhi as Satyagrah has been projected to save the humanity from the zooming Dooms. Day in “ Discovery of Bharat through Hindustan and British India”.

A field-changing history explains how the subcontinent lost its political identity as the home of all religions and emerged as India, the land of the Hindus. Did South Asia have a shared regional identity prior to the arrival of Europeans in the late fifteenth century? This is a subject of heated debate in scholarly circles and contemporary political discourse. Manan Ahmed Asif argues that Pakistan, Bangladesh, and the Republic of India share a common political ancestry: they are all part of a region whose people understand themselves as Hindustani. Asif describes the idea of Hindustan, as reflected in the work of native historians from roughly 1000 CE to 1900 CE, and how that idea went missing. This makes for a radical interpretation of how India came to its contemporary political identity. Asif argues that a European understanding of India as Hindu has replaced an earlier, native understanding of India as Hindustan, a home for all faiths. Turning to the subcontinent’s medieval past, Asif uncovers a rich network of historians of Hindustan who imagined, studied, and shaped their kings, cities, and societies. Asif closely examines the most complete idea of Hindustan, elaborated by the early seventeenth century Deccan historian Firishta. His monumental work, Tarikh-i Firishta, became a major source for European philosophers and historians, such as Voltaire, Kant, Hegel, and Gibbon during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Yet Firishta’s notions of Hindustan were lost and replaced by a different idea of India that we inhabit today. The Loss of Hindustan reveals the intellectual pathways that dispensed with multicultural Hindustan and created a religiously partitioned world of today.

Nationalist and Revolutionary While a high school student, I actively participated in the Mahatma Gandhis 1942 movement Quit India. I felt disappointed because only a few prominent leaders like Gandhi and Nehru were imprisoned. On Sept. 9, 1945, under the patronage of the Dadu District British Collector, the town dignitaries including my grand father and Mr. Tuljaram Nagrani, the principal of the town High school, along with the matriculate students had assembled at the Hindu temple to celebrate the victory of the Allies at the WW II. Sweets were distributed. I threw the sweets on the floor. The reason I did this was not because I sided with the Axis powers. But because Indian soldiers were fighting for Britain, as India was not a free country. Next morning, the Principal got me in his office and whipped me several times on my palms and ordered me to leave the school and come back with my parent. The principal told my father that Jagat to pay a fine of Rs. 5 and threatened that in case of denial I will be rusticketed (expelled from school as a bad character student) and no school would admit me. I am proud of my father that he said that only Jagat to decide. I said that paying fine means admission of the guilt. In my opinion it was not a guilt. I, with recommendation of my class teacher Mr. Chandnani, got admission in the P. H. High School, Dadu, only about 50 miles away from my home town. In 1947 on the eve of partition, there was an accidently bomb explosion in Karachi, suspected of an RSS activity. Several RSS leaders were arrested. A Khalsa police officer secretly alerted my grand father to hide me to avoid arrest. I, along with a few RSS pracharaks, secretly reached Karachi to take a ship for Okha, Gujarat, then train to Baroda. In 1948, Mahatma Gandhi was assassinated by Nathuram Godse. Because Godse was an RSS member, the whole RSS all over India was banned. I participated in the collective protest against the injustice of punishing the whole RSS organization because of the crime by its only one RSS member. Whole family can not be punished because of the crime of its one member. I was imprisoned in Baroda jail for four months. Thousands of RSS members all over India were imprisoned. Dr. Jagat K. Motwani

India, Bharat and Pakistan, the second book of the Bharat Trilogy, takes the discussion forward from its bestselling predecessor, India That Is Bharat. It explores the combined influence of European and Middle Eastern colonialities on Bharat as the successor state to the Indic civilisation, and on the origins of the Indian Constitution. To this end, the book traces the thought continuum of Middle Eastern coloniality, from the rise of Islamic Revivalism in the 1740s following the decline of the Mughal Empire, which presaged the idea of Pakistan, until the end of the Khilafat Movement in 1924, which cemented the road to Pakistan. The book also describes the collaboration of convenience that was forged between the proponents of Middle Eastern coloniality and the British colonial establishment to the detriment of the Indic civilisation. One of the objectives of this book is to help the reader draw parallels between the challenges faced by the Indic civilisation in the tumultuous period from 1740 to 1924, and the present day. Its larger goal remains the same as that of the first, which is to enthuse Bharatiyas to undertake a critical decolonial study of Bharat's history, especially in the context of the Constitution, so that the religiosity towards the document is moderated by a sense of proportion, perspective and purpose.

We are dealing with a new political form of society whose specificity comes from the articulation between two different traditions. On one side we have the liberal tradition constituted by the rule of law, the defence of human rights and the respect of individual liberty; on the other the democratic tradition whose main ideas are those of equa identity between governing and governed and popular sovereignty. There is no necessary relation between those two distinct traditions but only a contingent historical articulation....Let's not forget that, while we tend today to take the link between liberalism and democracy for granted, their union, far from being a smooth process, was the result of bitter struggles. — Mouffe, The Democratic Paradox. The Unity in Diversity is based on multi wheel and not on mono wheel system. Truth has one face while the untruth has many faces. Truth does not seek for any excuse while the untruth always searches for an excuse. Truth cannot be divided; it is the same for one and all. There has been a growing paradoxical environment in the country not genuinely but due to lack of reasoning and reconciliation which are the offshoots of ego, misunderstanding and confrontation. Today, paradoxes in our democracy are multiplying manifold. Time, we need to take them seriously, search for solutions. These paradoxes include Diversity & Division, Fundamental Duties, Governance and Citizens Moral Values and Human Development. I have analysed them in depth and endeavoured to show their patenting effects in the democratic functioning driving towards haywire and disorderliness. This is setting a negative concept for the future generations, the responsibility for that rests on the present generation.