This is a book about conflict. It identifies aggravating economic factors, proceeds to an appreciation of its economic cost, then proposes economic policy changes for Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda.

This study analyses the factors underlying the renewed dynamism of certain African economies in the 1990s.

The Organisation's Development Centre was founded in 1962 as one means to study and to try to confront the problems of comparative development and to relate them to experiences in the more advanced economies. This book provides a compendium of that experience.

This is a book about conflict. In that, it is certainly not alone, but it approaches the problem in three East African countries from the standpoint of economic analysis. The authors have not ignored social, ethnic and historical factors which led to conflict, but have identified economic realities which exacerbate the frictions created by the other factors. These realities include disparities in rural-urban income levels and in health, education and employment, and a system of clientilism which benefits a small group of civil servants to the detriment of the rest of the population. Having identified aggravating economic factors in conflict, the authors proceed to an appreciation of its economic cost, then propose economic policy changes which would tend towards reducing the potential for conflict. One of a series of three volumes, this book concentrates on Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda.

This book combines overviews of the nature and causes of inter-group violence in North Africa and sub-Saharan Africa with a collection of country case studies. Both the overview chapter and the case studies trace how economic policy initiatives, and consequent changes in the roles and statuses of various groups, shape conflict or cooperation.

Assessing the different kinds of borders between African nations, the contributors present a borderland and trans-region approach to understanding the challenges and opportunities facing the peoples of the African continent. Africa faces rampant violence, terrorism, deterioration of water-energy-food provision, influxes of refugees and immigrants, and religious hatred under the trends of globalization. Solutions for these issues require new perspectives that are not attempted by conventional state-building approaches. Statehood is limited in many places on the African continent because many states are combined by loose political ties. African states’ borders tend to be regarded as porous and fragile. However, as the contributors to this volume argue, those porous borders can contribute to cultural and socio-economic network construction beyond states and the creation of active borderlands by increasing people’s mobility, contact, and trade. A must read for scholars of African studies that will also be of great value to academics and students with a broader interest in nationhood, globalization, and borders.

For over 50 years, more than 225,000 Peace Corps volunteers have been placed in over 140 countries around the world, with the goals of helping the recipient countries need for trained men and women, to promote a better understanding of Americans for the foreign nationals, and to promote a better understanding of other peoples on the part of Americans. The Peace Corps program, proposed during a 2 a.m. campaign stop on October 14, 1960 by America's Camelot, was part idealism, part belief that the United States could help Global South countries becoming independent. At the height of the Cold War, the US and USSR were racing each other to the moon, missiles in Turkey and in Cuba and walls in Berlin consumed the archrivals; sending American graduates to remote villages seemed ill-informed. Kennedy's Kiddie Korps was derided as ineffectual, the volunteers accused of being CIA spies, and often, their work made no sense to locals. The program would fall victim to the vagaries of global geopolitics: in Peru, Yawar Malku (Blood of the Condor), depicting American activities in the country, led to volunteers being bundled out unceremoniously; in Tanzania, they were excluded over Tanzania’s objection to the Vietnam War. Despite these challenges, the Peace Corps program shaped newly independent countries in significant ways: in Ethiopia they constituted half the secondary school teachers in 1961, in Tanzania they helped survey and build roads, in Ghana and Nigeria they were integral in the education systems, alongside other programs. Even in the Philippines, formerly a U.S. colony, Peace Corps volunteers were welcomed. Aside from these outcomes, the program had a foreign policy component, advancing U.S. interests in the recipient countries. Data shows that countries receiving volunteers demonstrated congruence in foreign policy preferences with the U.S., shown by voting behavior at the United Nations, a forum where countries’ actions and preferences and signaling is evident. Volunteer-recipient countries particularly voted with the U.S. on Key Votes. Thus, Peace Corps volunteers who function as citizen diplomats, helped countries shape their foreign policy towards the U.S., demonstrating the viability of soft power in international relations.