There is a widening gap between democracy as a theory and its practice. While supposedly a solution to the problems of the developing world, in practice democracy has more often led to instability, civil wars, genocides, fundamentalism, crime and corruption. In contrast, in the West, voting rights were extended gradually over a century or two, in tandem with economic empowerment and also social awakening. The democratic republics that "evolved" out of this long process were stable and progressive. In the developing world, a shortcut to the end and "premature political opening up" has proven disastrous for many a nation like Nigeria, Iraq, Congo, Kenya, Pakistan, South Africa etc. Even in the few stable ones like India, democracy has failed to make a dent in poverty alleviation and has instead got caught in divisive election stunts. At the same time, some unitary states like China have surged far ahead of others and broken out of the "largely poor and deteriorating" mould. Why? What are the reasons democracy does not work in the developing world? Could it be made to work through improvements or is it the wrong model altogether? The notion that democracy is going to transform our world holds little credence to anyone who has witnessed its true colors like the author has, hailing from India and also having lived in China and some other countries. Thus as a scientist and researcher, she has studied the history, politics and economics of some 150 countries across the world. The book delves into the complex world of subversive election winning strategies, secession movements, coalition governments, the meaning of freedom to people living amidst violence and poverty as well as a study of other sociopolitical systems. Without any a priori theories, willing to go where the evidence leads, the author is able to point out the "Emperor's new clothes" for what they truly are. It may be time to challenge our perfect theory as democracy may not be the answer to the developing world's problems. The quest for truth leads us to surprising answers in terms of progressive transient alternatives for the developing world as well as some pointers for streamlining democracy, the system per se. Democracy on Trialis a compelling discovery of fresh answers and pragmatic solutions to the pressing problems of our times — from large scale abject poverty in developing countries across Asia and Africa to many civil wars and ongoing mayhem in others. One book that comes close to the perspective inDemocracy on Trial – All Rise!is The Future of Freedom by Fareed Zakaria. Zakaria's is the first book to acknowledge democracy's failure in the developing world, but it leaves the important question 'what is the alternative' largely unanswered and falls back on rationalizations to conclude. Most of the current literature on democracy is primarily theoretical in nature and addresses some of its faults but democracy per se is eulogized. The new title is different in that it answers the question of 'what is the alternative' or a way forward based on an empirical analysis that carries the reader along to the conclusions. The perspective is new, as yet unexplored, and marries the progressive with the pragmatic.

Despotism, fundamentalism, and the rise of terrorism have created a puzzling moral question in the twenty-first century: how far should America go to help press ahead political and cultural change in the world? Many Americans believe that we have a moral duty to help change the world for the better. In 1965, the US replaced France as the main player on the Western side in the war in Vietnam. A few years ago, the US took ownership of the Saudi king's fear of Iran's nuclear capability. Today, the US is trying to replace South Korea in the South–North Korean conflict. Yet Washington's desire to take ownership of conflicts around the globe generates anti-American sentiments in the conflict zones. Our actions are often viewed by people in other parts of the world as meddling in their internal affairs. This book explores five major historical transformations over the past two centuries and demonstrates the significance of internal leadership for social, political, and cultural change. The reader will discover that—while international pressure has often played a pivotal role in encouraging change—peaceful democratizations are historically not imposed from outside but are initiated and executed by leaders within the old system. Written in easy and thought-provoking language, the book makes a valuable contribution to the discussion about our obligations and limitations for changing the world.

On a grey, cold day in January 2011 Tjitske Lingsma visits the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague, The Netherlands. She hears the poignant testimony of a lady who tells the judges how she was savagely gang raped, experienced the looting of her house and neighbourhood and heard how her brother was killed. After this first visit Lingsma decides to follow the ICC, inspired by the court's noble task to bring justice for victims, to fight impunity and to go after perpetrators of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. In a vivid and gripping style, and with unique insights, Lingsma tells the story of this prestigious court, that started in 2002 and now has 124 member states. In thematic chapters she portrays its history, functioning, the work of the prosecutor, life in detention, and the precarious situation of witnesses and victims. Lingsma describes in separate chapters the dramatic cases against suspects of international crimes in Kenya, Democratic Republic of Congo, Central African Republic, Ivory Coast and Libya. But reality proves to be harsh. Despite all hopes, the ICC hasn't fulfilled its ambition. So far it has convicted four persons for international crimes, while cases against no fewer than nine suspects failed. The court, which has cost 1.5 billion euros by now, is damaged by government obstruction, intimidation of witnesses, its own failures and member states threatening to withdraw. All Rise is the sobering account of a court that could not live up to its expectations. But with its important task to bring justice, it is too valuable to fail. The Dutch edition of All Rise, which was published in December 2014, was shortlisted for the Brusse Prize - for best journalistic book in The Netherlands

Anyone interested in the history of U.S. foreign relations, Cold War history, and twentieth century intellectual history will find this impressive biography of Hans Speier, one of the most influential figures in American defense circles of the twentieth century, a must-read. In Democracy in Exile, Daniel Bessner shows how the experience of the Weimar Republic’s collapse and the rise of Nazism informed Hans Speier’s work as an American policymaker and institution builder. Bessner delves into Speier’s intellectual development, illuminating the ideological origins of the expert-centered approach to foreign policymaking and revealing the European roots of Cold War liberalism. Democracy in Exile places Speier at the center of the influential and fascinating transatlantic network of policymakers, many of them German émigrés, who struggled with the tension between elite expertise and democratic politics. Speier was one of the most prominent intellectuals among this cohort, and Bessner traces his career, in which he advanced from university intellectual to state expert, holding a key position at the RAND Corporation and serving as a powerful consultant to the State Department and Ford Foundation, across the mid-twentieth century. Bessner depicts the critical role Speier played in the shift in American intellectual history in which hundreds of social scientists left their universities and contributed to the creation of an expert-based approach to U.S. foreign relations, in the process establishing close connections between governmental and nongovernmental organizations. As Bessner writes: to understand the rise of the defense intellectual, we must understand Hans Speier.

Is democracy as we know it in danger? More and more we confront one another as aggrieved groups rather than as free citizens. Deepening cynicism, the growth of corrosive individualism, statism, and the loss of civil society are warning signs that democracy may be incapable of satisfying the yearnings it itself unleashes - yearnings for freedom, fairness, and equality. In her 1993 CBC Massey Lectures, political philosopher Jean Bethke Elshtain delves into these complex issues to evaluate democracy's chances for survival.

Deliberative democratic theory emphasises the importance of informed and reflective discussion and persuasion in political decision-making. The theory has important implications for constitutionalism - and vice versa - as constitutional laws increasingly shape and constrain political decisions. The full range of these implications has not been explored in the political and constitutional literatures to date. This unique Handbook establishes the parameters of the field of deliberative constitutionalism, which bridges deliberative democracy with constitutional theory and practice. Drawing on contributions from world-leading authors, this volume will serve as the international reference point on deliberation as a foundational value in constitutional law, and will be an indispensable resource for scholars, students and practitioners interested in the vital and complex links between democratic deliberation and constitutionalism.

Sixty years ago political divisions in the United States ran even deeper than today's name-calling showdowns between the left and right. Back then, to call someone a communist was to threaten that person's career, family, freedom, and, sometimes, life itself. Hysteria about the "red menace" mushroomed as the Soviet Union tightened its grip on Eastern Europe, Mao Zedong rose to power in China, and the atomic arms race accelerated. Spy scandals fanned the flames, and headlines warned of sleeper cells in the nation's midst--just as it does today with the "War on Terror." In his new book, The Fear Within, Scott Martelle takes dramatic aim at one pivotal moment of that era. On the afternoon of July 20, 1948, FBI agents began rounding up twelve men in New York City, Chicago, and Detroit whom the U.S. government believed posed a grave threat to the nation--the leadership of the Communist Party-USA. After a series of delays, eleven of the twelve "top Reds" went on trial in Manhattan's Foley Square in January 1949. The proceedings captivated the nation, but the trial quickly dissolved into farce. The eleven defendants were charged under the 1940 Smith Act with conspiring to teach the necessity of overthrowing the U.S. government based on their roles as party leaders and their distribution of books and pamphlets. In essence, they were on trial for their libraries and political beliefs, not for overt acts threatening national security. Despite the clear conflict with the First Amendment, the men were convicted and their appeals denied by the U.S. Supreme Court in a decision that gave the green light to federal persecution of Communist Party leaders--a decision the court effectively reversed six years later. But by then, the damage was done. So rancorous was the trial the presiding judge sentenced the defense attorneys to prison terms, too, chilling future defendants' access to qualified counsel. Martelle's story is a compelling look at how American society, both general and political, reacts to stress and, incongruously, clamps down in times of crisis on the very beliefs it holds dear: the freedoms of speech and political belief. At different points in our history, the executive branch, Congress, and the courts have subtly or more drastically eroded a pillar of American society for the politics of the moment. It is not surprising, then, that The Fear Within takes on added resonance in today's environment of suspicion and the decline of civil rights under the U.S. Patriot Act.