"The countries of the Commonwealth Caribbean are all self-governing, determining their own futures. But some 40 years after gaining independence from Britain, the question remains whether these countries are truly democratic and whether the parliamentary and electoral systems adopted, are well suited to the Caribbean experience. Meighoo and Jamadar answer these questions in the negative. A true democracy, they argue, is one where the Legislature has the authority and the strength to make the Executive effectively accountable and responsible to it and where the electoral system results in the true practical separation of the Legislature and the Executive. Using Trinidad and Tobago as the model, Democracy and Constitution Reform in Trinidad and Tobago offers an overview of the constitutional reform process in the Commonwealth Caribbean. In these young, postcolonial democracies, where party politics have had a negative impact on the process of democratic reform, the authors review the historical, political and cultural motivations that have spawned the most recent debates on constitutional reform; and more particularly on the proposals for parliamentary and electoral reform. The book concludes with a review of past proposals and recommendations, and puts forward the authors' own suggestions for reform. At a time when most of the Commonwealth Caribbean is undergoing a process of constitutional debate and change, this book makes a valuable contribution to the discussion and provides a basis for the informed citizen, student or pundit to judge the process of reform. "

In countries and supranational entities around the globe, constitutional reform has transferred an unprecedented amount of power from representative institutions to judiciaries. The constitutionalization of rights and the establishment of judicial review are widely believed to have benevolent and progressive origins, and significant redistributive, power-diffusing consequences. Ran Hirschl challenges this conventional wisdom. Drawing upon a comprehensive comparative inquiry into the political origins and legal consequences of the recent constitutional revolutions in Canada, Israel, New Zealand, and South Africa, Hirschl shows that the trend toward constitutionalization is hardly driven by politicians' genuine commitment to democracy, social justice, or universal rights. Rather, it is best understood as the product of a strategic interplay among hegemonic yet threatened political elites, influential economic stakeholders, and judicial leaders. This self-interested coalition of legal innovators determines the timing, extent, and nature of constitutional reforms. Hirschl demonstrates that whereas judicial empowerment through constitutionalization has a limited impact on advancing progressive notions of distributive justice, it has a transformative effect on political discourse. The global trend toward juristocracy, Hirschl argues, is part of a broader process whereby political and economic elites, while they profess support for democracy and sustained development, attempt to insulate policymaking from the vicissitudes of democratic politics.

"Politics in a Half Made Society tells the story of contemporary politics in the twin island of Trinidad and Tobago. The book provides a narrative and analytical account beginning in 1925, when the first elections were held, and continuing up to 2001 with the two major political parties in a historical deadlock for which formal constitutional arrangement did no cater. The book is divided into four sections, each underlining the important stages of Trinidad's political history, Part One - Prelude to Self-government - deals with Trinidad's move towards the establishment of party politics between 1925 and 1953; Part Two - The Long Reign of Eric Williams - recounts the political shrewdness of this prime minister and the peculiar challenges he faced while in power; Part Three - Paved with Good Intentions: The Rise and Fall of the National Alliance for Reconstruction - examines the failure of the Chambers administration to sustain the political and economic gains made during the Williams years, covers the attempted coup of 1990 and assesses the NAR's performance; Part Four - Toward Stalemate: Structural Adjustment, Indian Arrival and Slim Majorities - looks at the political configuration of the 1990s after structural adjustment and Basdeo Panday's coming to power. "

The activist state of the New Deal started forming decades before the FDR administration, demonstrating the deep roots of energetic government in America. In the period between the Civil War and the New Deal, American governance was transformed, with momentous implications for social and economic life. A series of legal reforms gradually brought an end to nineteenth-century traditions of local self-government and associative citizenship, replacing them with positive statecraft: governmental activism intended to change how Americans lived and worked through legislation, regulation, and public administration. The last time American public life had been so thoroughly altered was in the late eighteenth century, at the founding and in the years immediately following. William J. Novak shows how Americans translated new conceptions of citizenship, social welfare, and economic democracy into demands for law and policy that delivered public services and vindicated peopleÕs rights. Over the course of decades, Americans progressively discarded earlier understandings of the reach and responsibilities of government and embraced the idea that legislators and administrators in Washington could tackle economic regulation and social-welfare problems. As citizens witnessed the successes of an energetic, interventionist state, they demanded more of the same, calling on politicians and civil servants to address unfair competition and labor exploitation, form public utilities, and reform police power. Arguing against the myth that America was a weak state until the New Deal, New Democracy traces a steadily aggrandizing authority well before the Roosevelt years. The United States was flexing power domestically and intervening on behalf of redistributive goals for far longer than is commonly recognized, putting the lie to libertarian claims that the New Deal was an aberration in American history.

"The idea that the Caribbean could be devolving downward in wealth, function and sovereignty has become a recurrent theme in both academic and popular literature. By focusing on some of the current issues facing Caribbean nation states, the editors and contributors to this volume hope to inform and contribute to the ongoing debate on the broad themes of Sovereignty and Development and the prospects for survival of Caribbean nation states in a globalised world. While some of the papers seek to describe and analyse the range and complexity of the challenge to national sovereignty and public policy autonomy, others focus on issues relating to small country size, gender and ethnic tensions, security, constitutional reform and regional integration. The result is a balanced perspective; the contributors do not gloss over the problem faced by the region. At the same time they do not present a hyper-pessimistic picture of Caribbean development prospects. What gives the collection a particular dynamism is the way in which the authors have challenged the terrain of political possibilities traditionally defined for small peripheral socities. "

This introduction to politics is designed for first-year students in social sciences and for the general reader interested in the basics of contemporary politic. The text's various sections and lecture summaries deal with the important areas of political science, different systems of democratic government, the fall of communism and post-communist politics, as well as issues in Caribbean politics such as globalization, constitutional reform and regional integration.

"This is the first book to be written on Caribbean constitutional theory. In the continuing discourse and emergent project of constitutional reform in the Commonwealth Caribbean, it examines the origins of the Independence Constitutions across the Commonwealth Caribbean and traces the region's constitutional development from the time of the emancipation of slavery through to independence. At its core is the premise that constitutional reform must necessarily result in a redefining of West Indian political identity. The theme throughout the book is the fact that the written constitutions of the Caribbean all have their origin in the British Parliament and the unwritten English constitution that has evolved over centuries. The existing constitutions were all the result of the collaborative efforts of the region's political elite and British officials, with no participation from the West Indian people. The Crown is still claimed and the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council remains the final appellate court. In the result, political independence has simply meant that the countries of the Commonwealth Caribbean are independent subjects of the Crown rather than colonial subjects. The book begins with the process of 'lawful devolution of sovereignty' and the origins of the sovereign states of the Commonwealth Caribbean and proceeds to address the theoretical issues of founding and amendability as well as such pressing issues about the relationship between a prime minister and a head of state in a parliamentary republic and electoral reform. An entire chapter is devoted to the Bill of Rights and addresses the fundamental rights and freedoms preserved in Caribbean Bills of Rights as well as the controversial and paradoxical Savings Clauses, which in and of themselves might justify the rewriting of the fundamental rights provisions of Commonwealth Caribbean Constitutions. Caribbean Constitutional Reform offers a philosophical justification for the establishment of a Caribbean Supreme Court based on the idea of sovereignty and the right of a people to define themselves. This work makes the first definitive step to addressing these critical issues in Caribbean constitutional theory and sets the stage for a 'new constitutional discourse' shaped by a Caribbean court of final appeal. "