Abstract: May 1999 - Preferential trade agreements that are limited to the elimination of tariffs for merchandise trade flows are of limited value at best and may be as easily welfare-reducing as welfare-enhancing. It is important that preferential trade agreements go beyond eliminating tariffs and quotas to eliminating regulatory and red tape costs and opening up service markets to foreign competition. Deep integration-explicit government actions to reduce the market-segmenting effect of domestic regulatory policies through coordination and cooperation-is becoming a major dimension of some regional integration agreements, led by the European Union. Health and safety regulations, competition laws, licensing and certification regimes, and administrative procedures such as customs clearance can affect trade (in ways analogous to nontariff barriers) even though their underlying intent may not be to discriminate against foreign suppliers of goods and services. Whether preferential trade agreements (PTAs) can be justified in a multilateral trading system depends on the extent to which formal intergovernmental agreements are technically necessary to achieve the deep integration needed to make markets more contestable. The more need for formal cooperation, the stronger the case for regional integration. Whether PTAs are justified regionally also depends on whether efforts to reduce market segmentation are applied on a nondiscriminatory basis. If innovations to reduce transaction or market access costs extend to both members and nonmembers of a PTA, regionalism as an instrument of trade and investment becomes more attractive. Using a standard competitive general equilibrium model of the Egyptian economy, Hoekman and Konan find that the static welfare impact of a deep free trade agreement is far greater than the impact that can be expected from a classic shallow agreement. Under some scenarios, welfare may increase by more than 10 percent of GDP, compared with close to zero under a shallow agreement. Given Egypt's highly diversified trading patterns, a shallow PTA with the European Union could be merely diversionary, leading to a small decline in welfare. Egypt already has duty-free access to the European Union for manufactures, so the loss in tariff revenues incurred would outweigh any new trade created. Large gains in welfare from the PTA are conditional on eliminating regulatory barriers and red tape-in which case welfare gains may be substantial: 4 to 20 percent growth in real GNP. This paper-a product of the Development Research Group-is part of a larger effort in the group to analyze regional integration agreements. The authors may be contacted at bhoekman@@worldbank.org or konan@@hawaii.edu.

Looks at the provisions and potential for the Partnership, which formally established in November 1995 as a series of bilateral free trade agreements between the European Union and individual countries of on the southern shore of the Mediterranean. Among the perspectives are who will benefit, the global Euro-Mediterranean partnership, regionalism and the Mediterranean, social feasibility and the costs of the free trade zone, lessons from southeast Asia, and security implications. The 17 articles first appeared in the Journal of North African Studies 3/2 (summer 1998). Annotation copyrighted by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR

The study aims at studying the context in which the new 'Barcelona Process: Union for the Mediterranean' initiative was adopted by the 27 EU Member States and its Mediterranean Partners and what can be expected from this new initiative in the trade and economic fields. Since 1995 it is obvious that progress was achieved in building a Euro-Mediterranean Free Trade Area as almost all Euro-Mediterranean Association Agreements have been implemented. The multilateral dimension of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership: the Barcelona Process has also generated positive results such as the creation of a number of multilateral networks and institutions. The 2005 five years programme (2006-2009) adopted at the occasion of the 10th anniversary of the Barcelona Process gave, in this regard, a new impetus to the multilateral cooperation. The issue of economic integration between the Mediterranean Partners is nevertheless still a major concern as little has been achieved at operational level. However, even if the Arab Maghreb Union process is still frozen, the creation of the Greater Arab Free Trade Area and the launching of the Agadir initiative are positive signs indicating that there is a renewed political will to address this crucial issue. The prospect of deeper Euro-Mediterranean integration implies a number of new challenges in the areas of trade in industrial and agricultural products and services. Deeper economic integration implies also the creation of new structures on the two shores of the Mediterranean. According to the European Commission the 'broader neighbourhood economic community' should be the long term vision and 'deep and comprehensive free trade agreements' could be envisaged in the future. The potential impact of deeper economic integration on key economic sectors should however not be underestimated. Also, the level of Foreign Direct Investment in the Mediterranean is still a major concern even if the new trends are a little bit more positive. The 'Barcelona process Union for the Mediterranean' is indeed an opportunity to consolidate the Barcelona acquis and to go forward with a deeper Euro-Mediterranean economic integration initiated with the launching of the European Neighbourhood Policy. The proposals made in the recent Communication of the European Commission and within the framework of the Paris Summit Declaration are however quite limited in the field of economic and trade relations as the three key elements of the new strategy are: i) To upgrade the political level of the EU's relationship with its Mediterranean Partners; ii) To provide for further co-ownership to the Euro-Mediterranean multilateral relations; and iii) To make these relations more concrete and visible through additional regional and sub-regional projects, relevant for the citizens of the region. Six projects have been identified by the Paris Joint Declaration but new initiatives are needed to reinvigorate the Barcelona Process. The architecture of the new institutional structure is to be further clarified in the coming months and it is still time to address some remaining shortcomings.

In the Mediterranean Basin two projects of economic integration overlap, namely the project of a Greater Arab Free Trade Area (GAFTA) and a process of economic integration of the European Union (EU), which neighbors into EU's Internal Market; the EU endeavors to strengthen cooperation with the neighbors practically on all fields. For decades, in spite of high-pitch rhetoric about Pan-Arabism, practical Arab integration was very limited. Hardly any other region was so divided politically. Furthermore, almost all Arab countries followed inward-oriented development strategies with high protectionist tariffs. These severely constrained economic transactions among the Arab countries. Thereby the Arab world became one of the most fragmented areas in the world. Spillover effects from economic to political integration, which played an important role in European integration could not take place. From the 1970s onwards a slow and often inconsistent transition to open marked economies began. It improved the conditions for Arab economic cooperation considerably, and in 1997 the GAFTA project was launched. It generated indeed increased trade. However, so far it remained 'shallow' integration, implying tariff reductions at the border, but not 'deep' integration with changes behind the border, such as common competition rules or common products standards. Therefore, numerous non-tariff barriers still exist, and competition remains distorted. Arab voices demand 'deep integration', but this requires political decision-making and dispute settlements which would restrict state sovereignty. Currently not many indicators point at such a transition in the Arab world. On the other hand, 'deep' integration has made considerable progress among the EU and some neighboring countries, notably Tunisia and Morocco. The impacts have been far reaching, also in the political sphere. This process is likely to impact some Arab countries much more than Arab integration. Theoretically it can be explained in terms of neofunctional theory.

This publication considers whether regional trade agreements have led to a new form of economic co-operation, by promoting deeper integration in the regulatory structures of participating countries. An examination of recent experiences are found to show that, although there is no single model for deeper integration, regional trade agreements have generally more effective than more remote WTO procedures in facilitating trade and improving transparency. Regional processes and rules are found to have been consistent with the multilateral obligations of each party, with additional commitments in the regional agreements complementing WTO rules.