Learn how to win the war in your mind by filling your heart with the truth of the Holy Spirit and defending yourself against harmful thought patterns. Whether you recognize it or not, you're at war with yourself. Anxiety--Selfishness--Self-sabotaging tendencies--Narcissism--The black dog of depression... But whatever your battle may be, all is not lost. You can win...if you choose to engage. In this five-session video Bible study (DVD sold separately), Levi Lusko explains how you can fight this battle by declaring war on your thoughts, your words, and your actions. Levi candidly shares about his struggles with moodiness, bullying, suicidal thoughts, and night terrors to show how you--with the help of the Holy Spirit--can achieve victory by learning to think right so you can live right. So that you can claim the victory God has for you. The I Declare War Study Guide includes: Video teaching notes Discussion questions Bible exploration Weekly personal study Reflection materials Sessions include: It's Time to Declare War Declaring War on Your Thoughts Declaring War on Your Words Declaring War on Your Actions Your Secret Weapon in the Battle It's time to stop being your own worst enemy. It's time to declare war and become the person, the spouse, the parent, the leader God intended you to be. Designed for use with I Declare War Video Study (9780310094913), sold separately.

"Fascinating account. I strongly recommend it." —Jeane J. Kirkpatrick World-renowned terrorism expert Yossef Bodansky explores the transformation of Osama bin Laden from a once promising engineering student into the cold-blooded leader of the radical Islamic terrorist group, al Qaeda. With meticulous detail, Bodansky chronicles the events leading up to the international operation of hunting bin Laden. In the process, Bodansky pulls together a chilling story that is as ancient as the Crusades; a story that transcends bin Laden and any other single man, one that sweeps from Iran, Afghanistan, and Iraq to Kosovo and beyond. He takes you deep into the heart of centuries-old hatreds that have produced generations of bin Ladens and a terror network of underground armies that can strike virtually anywhere in the world. Fueled by Middle Eastern oil wealth and covertly armed by some of America's closest allies, this terror network is waging a brutal guerrilla war whose aim is nothing short of changing the course of history. The battlefields are increasingly Western city streets, and the casualties are most often innocents caught in the crossfire. Including information about al Qaeda’s pursuit of chemical and nuclear weapons, covert deals between the U.S. and Islamic terrorists, and American efforts in the years-long campaign to capture Osama bin Laden, this book is a sobering wake-up call.

Since the September 11 attacks on the United States, the Bush administration has come under fire for its methods of combating terrorism. Waging war against al Qaeda has proven to be a legal quagmire, with critics claiming that the administration's response in Afghanistan and Iraq is unconstitutional. The war on terror—and, in a larger sense, the administration's decision to withdraw from the ABM Treaty and the Kyoto accords—has many wondering whether the constitutional framework for making foreign affairs decisions has been discarded by the present administration. John Yoo, formerly a lawyer in the Department of Justice, here makes the case for a completely new approach to understanding what the Constitution says about foreign affairs, particularly the powers of war and peace. Looking to American history, Yoo points out that from Truman and Korea to Clinton's intervention in Kosovo, American presidents have had to act decisively on the world stage without a declaration of war. They are able to do so, Yoo argues, because the Constitution grants the president, Congress, and the courts very different powers, requiring them to negotiate the country's foreign policy. Yoo roots his controversial analysis in a brilliant reconstruction of the original understanding of the foreign affairs power and supplements it with arguments based on constitutional text, structure, and history. Accessibly blending historical arguments with current policy debates, The Powers of War and Peace will no doubt be hotly debated. And while the questions it addresses are as old and fundamental as the Constitution itself, America's response to the September 11 attacks has renewed them with even greater force and urgency. “Can the president of the United States do whatever he likes in wartime without oversight from Congress or the courts? This year, the issue came to a head as the Bush administration struggled to maintain its aggressive approach to the detention and interrogation of suspected enemy combatants in the war on terrorism. But this was also the year that the administration’s claims about presidential supremacy received their most sustained intellectual defense [in] The Powers of War and Peace.”—Jeffrey Rosen, New York Times “Yoo’s theory promotes frank discussion of the national interest and makes it harder for politicians to parade policy conflicts as constitutional crises. Most important, Yoo’s approach offers a way to renew our political system’s democratic vigor.”—David B. Rivkin Jr. and Carlos Ramos-Mrosovsky, National Review

Historically, it has been assumed that war is violence and declarations of war are simply public announcements that serve to initiate combat. Brien Hallett denies both assumptions and claims that war is policy, not violence. The Lost Art of Declaring War analyzes the crucial differences between combat and war and convincingly argues that the power to "declare" war is in actuality the power to compose a text, draft a document, write a denunciation. Once written, the declaration then serves three functions: to articulate the political purposes of the war, to guide and direct military operations, and to establish the boundary between justified combat and unjustified devastation. Hallett sounds a clarion call urging the people and their representatives to take up the challenge and write fully reasoned declarations of war. Then, and only then, can a civilized nation like the United States lay claim to being fully democratic, not only in peacetime, but in wartime as well. "Brien Hallett has fashioned an original, incisive, and powerful argument for the proper standards for going to war. Tightly reasoned throughout and well timed to address the conceptual confusion that now reigns." -- Louis Fisher, author of Presidential War Power

Offers an historical, legal, constitutional, moral and philosophical analysis of the declarations of 1812, 1898 and the War Powers Resolution of 1973.

“Vanity is an iron curtain cursed upon those who choose to wield it” So reads the last line in the foreword to Christopher Greenfield’s newly renowned Declaration of War. Influenced by the anti-normative likes of Charles Bukowski, the envisionary idealism of Albert Camus, the ruthless cultural critique of Friedrich Nietzsche, and the naturalism of David Hume, Greenfield calls into question via a series of short stories and poems the essential tenets of the human condition; what it means to truly be free, why we desire love and belonging, wherein hatred and bigotry are rooted when we seemingly desire quite the opposite, and the subliminal functions of power and authority that relentlessly work to keep us enslaved to our own primal self-destructive tendencies in the midst of a society that has far outgrown the need for them. Knowing first-hand what it’s like to be deemed the “black dog”, “rebel”, and the “heretic” of social circles, Christopher Greenfield was intrigued by the curious fascination of his friends and colleagues. The collection of works contained in the Declaration of War are based on real conversations, debates, and experiences that serve to allude to the grander image of human strife, will power, and the nature of one’s own suffering; that which, if able to be harnessed, may be used to create something beautiful... beyond the absurdity of the ‘superficial and mundane’.