The Revolt in the Netherlands erupted in 1566 and tore apart the Low Countries. In Memory Wars in the Low Countries, 1566-1700 Jasper van der Steen explains how public memories of the Revolt in the Habsburg Netherlands in the South and the Dutch Republic in the North diverged and became the objects of fierce contestation in domestic political struggles, on both sides of the border and throughout the seventeenth century. Against widespread assumptions about the supposed modernity of cultural memory Memory Wars argues that early modern public memory did not require the presence of state actors, nationalism and modern mass media in order to play a role of political importance in both North and South.

V. 1. 16 Mar. 1751-16 Dec. 1779 -- v. 2. 20 Mar. 1780-23 Feb. 1781 -- v. 3. 3 Mar.-31 Dec. 1781 -- v. 4. 1 Jan.-31 July 1782 -- v. 5. 1 Aug.-31 Dec. 1782 -- v. 6. 1 Jan.-30 Apr. 1783 -- v. 7. 3 May 1783-20 Feb. 1784 -- v. 8. 10 Mar. 1784-28 Mar. 1786 -- v. 9. 9 Apr. 1786-24 May 1787, with suppl. 1781-1784 -- v. 10. 27 May 1787-3 Mar. 1788 -- v. 11. 7 Mar. 1788-1 Mar. 1789 -- v. 12. 2 Mar. 1789-20 Jan. 1790, with suppl., 24 Oct. 1775-24 Jan. 1789 -- v. 13. 20 Jan. 1790-31 Mar. 1791 -- v. 14. 6 Apr. 1791-16 Mar. 1793 -- v. 15. 24 Mar. 1793-20 Apr. 1795 -- v. 16. 27 Apr. 1795-27 Mar. 1797 -- v. 17. 31 Mar. 1797-3 Mar. 1801, with suppl., 22 Jan. 1778-9 Aug. 1795.

A highly original history, tracing the least understood and most intractable form of organized human aggression from Ancient Rome through the centuries to the present day. We think we know civil war when we see it. Yet ideas of what it is, and what it isn't, have a long and contested history, from its fraught origins in republican Rome to debates in early modern Europe to our present day. Defining the term is acutely political, for ideas about what makes a war "civil" often depend on whether one is a ruler or a rebel, victor or vanquished, sufferer or outsider. Calling a conflict a civil war can shape its outcome by determining whether outside powers choose to get involved or stand aside: from the American Revolution to the war in Iraq, pivotal decisions have depended on such shifts of perspective. The age of civil war in the West may be over, but elsewhere in the last two decades it has exploded--from the Balkans to Rwanda, Burundi, Somalia, and Sri Lanka, and most recently Syria. And the language of civil war has burgeoned as democratic politics has become more violently fought. This book's unique perspective on the roots and dynamics of civil war, and on its shaping force in our conflict-ridden world, will be essential to the ongoing effort to grapple with this seemingly interminable problem.

Hugo Grotius and the Century of Revolution, 1613-1718 is a reconstruction of the way Hugo Grotius (1583-1645) was read and used by English political and religious writers in the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. Engaging with the reception of all of Grotius's key works and a wide range of topics, the volume has much to say about the search for peace in an age of religious conflict and about the cultural roots of the Enlightenment. Most of all, Marco Barducci aims to deepen our understanding of the connections that made English political thought part of the history of European thought. To this end, it brings together a succinct account of Grotius's own thinking on key topics, mapping these accounts within English debates, to show why his ideas were seen to be relevant at key moments; shows awareness of the possibilities for the misappropriation inherent in reception; and adds something new to our understanding of why seventeenth-century Englishmen argued in the ways that they did.